LIBRARY 

OF  THE 

University  of  California. 

GIFT    OF 

CL.C-, (l^ <,.. 

Class 


THE  FEDERATION 

OF  THE  WORLD 


BY 


BENJAMIN  F.  TRUEBLOOD,  LL.  D. 


g35i2EEagmi 


BOSTON    AND    NEW   YORK 
HOUGHTON,  MIFFLIN   AND  COMPANY 


COPYRIGHT,  1899,  BY  BENJAMIN   F.  TRUEBLOOD 
ALL  RIGHTS  RESERVED 


THIRD  EDITION 


TO 

THE    FRIENDS    OF    PEACE 

IN 

AMERICA  AND  EUROPE 


184995 


Pax  quoerenda  pace 


PREFACE   TO   THE  THIRD 
EDITION 

]N  publishing  this  third  edition, 
now  eight  years  after  the  ap- 
pearance of  the  first,  I  have  not 
deemed  it  wise  to  make  any  material 
changes  in  what  was  then  written.  The 
nature  of  the  argument,  as  an  interpre- 
tation of  the  jorces  and  movements  then 
clearly  seeming  to  me  to  be  rapidly  work- 
ing out  the  federation  and  peace  of  the 
world,  is  such  that  it  could  not  well  be 
made  more  forcible  by  recasting  it  into 
another  form.  The  recent  extraordinary 
progress  of  the  nations,  in  spite  of  the 
persistence  of  the  rivalry  of  armaments, 
toward  the  ideal  attainment  then  forecast 
is  made  all  the  more  striking  by  present- 
ing it,  as  is  done  in  the  last  two  chapters, 
alongside  the  prediction  at  that  time  writ- 
ten down.     The  ten  chapters  have  there- 


vi  Preface  to  the  Third  Edition 

fore  been  left  standing  substantially  as 
they  were,  with  only  a  few  corrections  and 
minor  changes  made  necessary  by  the  lapse 
of  time.  The  foot-notes  have  been  slightly 
modified  in  places,  to  enable  the  reader  the 
better  to  contrast  the  state  of  international 
affairs  eight  years  ago  with  that  at  the  pre- 
sent time.  The  eleventh  chapter,  though 
never  before  published,  was  written  soon 
after  the  Hague  Conference  of  1899,  during 
which  it  was  my  privilege  to  be  at  The 
Hague,  and  was  an  attempt  to  interpret 
the  work  of  that  remarkable  gathering  and 
its  bearing  upon  the  future  relations  of  the 
nations.  In  the  twelfth  chapter  I  have 
attempted  to  set  forth  the  chief  features  of 
the  progress  of  the  federative  movement 
since  the  close  of  that  Conference  and  the 
\  establishment  and  opening  of  the  perma- 
y \  nent  International  Court  of  Abitration.  I 
have  included  in  this  exposition  a  brief 
account  of  the  work  and  results  of  the 
Second  Hague  Conference,  which  has  just 
closed  its  labors. 
Boston,  December,  1907. 


PREFACE 


HE  substance  of  what  is  found  on 
the  following  pages  was  originally 
given  in  two  lectures  delivered  be- 
fore the  faculty  and  students  of  the  Mead- 
ville  Theological  School,  Meadville,  Penn- 
sylvania, in  the  spring  of  1897,  on  the  Adin 
Ballou  foundation.  The  lectures  have  since 
been  carefully  revised  and  considerably  ex- 
panded, and  are  now  given  to  the  public  for 
the  first  time.  The  surpassing  interest  of 
the  subject  discussed  is  my  only  justification 
in  venturing  to  bring  my  thought  before  a 
larger  number  of  hearers  than  was  reached 
when  the  lectures  were  given.  The  conclu- 
sions reached  are  the  result  of  many  years 
of  careful  study  of  the  international  move- 
ments of  modern  society  and  their  causes, 
and  they  cannot  be  fairly  judged  except 
from  the  point  of  view  of  these  movements. 


viii  ■  Preface 

The  treatment  is  original,  so  far  as  a  great 
thought,  occupying  many  minds  and  mouths 
at  the  same  time,  can  be  treated  in  an  ori- 
ginal way  by  any  one  person,  whose  think- 
ing owes  so  much  to  that  of  others.  The 
argument  is  not  intended  to  be  exhaustive, 
but  only  suggestive  and  directive,  and  it  is 
hoped  that  it  is  presented  in  such  a  way  as 
to  furnish  encouragement  and  inspiration  to 
duty. 

The  reader  will  kindly  bear  in  mind  that 
the  subject  treated  is  not  primarily  that 
of  peace  and  war.  These  receive  a  large 
amount  of  attention,  but  only  as  they  are 
related  to  the  general  subject,  the  federation 
of  the  world.  The  aim  of  the  discussion  is 
to  show  that  the  nature  of  man  and  of  soci- 

fy    ety  is  such  as  to  indicate  that  a  general  fed- 

V  eration  of  the  race  ought  to  exist,  that  war 

ought  to  be  abolished,  that   the  whole   of 

/^y  humanity  must  move  together  in  harmoni- 
ous cooperation  if  it  ever  fulfills  its  destiny ; 
to  point  out  the  reasons  why  this  federation 
has  been  so  long  delayed ;  to  indicate  the 


Preface  ix 

influences  which  have  been  at  work  liberat- 
ing and  restoring  the  federative  elements ; 
and  to  show  from  actual  historic  movements 
and  recent  social  and  international  achieve- 
ments that  the  social  and  political  unity  of 
the  world  is  a  consummation  rationally  to 
be  expected  in  the  not  remote  future. 

B.  F.  T. 

Boston,  February,  1899. 


uy 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Introduction / 

I.    The  Solidarity  of  Humanity      ...  7 

II.  Solidarity  Unrealised 21 

III.  The  Causes  of  the  Disunity      .        .        .  2j 

IV.  The  Development  of  the  War  System  .        .  40 
V.    The  Influence  of  Christianity  in  restoring  the 

Federative  Principle     ....  56 
VI.    War  Ethically  Wrong                 ...  68 
VII.    War  Anti-Federative        ....  £0 
VIII.    The  New  World  Society      .         .        .         -9/ 
IX.    The  Growing  Triumph  of  Arbitration     .  102 
X.    The  United  States  of  the  World  .        .        .  //S 
XI.    7*j&*  F*>s/  Hague  Peace  Conference  .        .  150 
XII.    Tfo  /fagtt*  Cowr/  and  Recent  Progress  to- 
ward World-Unity        ....  188 

Appendix 2/5 

Bibliography 219 


^*£^U  FO  R  ^]b^>^ 


THE   FEDERATION    OF   THE 
WORLD 


INTRODUCTION 


|AS  Tennyson's  dream  of  M  the  par- 
liament of  man,  the  federation  of 
the  world,"  *  nothing  but  a  poetic 
fancy,  or  was  it  a  rational  prophecy  of 
an  actual  condition  to  be  realized  in  some 
future,  near  or  far?  Is  a  federation  of 
the  world  possible  ?  Is  it  desirable  ?  Is  it 
necessary  as  an  expression  of  the  true  na- 
ture of  the  human  race,  and  of  its  purpose 
on  the  earth  ?  If  so,  what  are  the  signs  of 
its  coming  ?  By  what  means  is  it  to  be 
realized,  and  in  what  form  ?  How  are  the 
obstacles  to  its  realization  to  be  gotten  out 
of  the  way  ? 

1  Tennyson,  Locksley  Hall. 


2  The  Federation  of  the  World 

The  movements  of  our  time,  embracing 
as  they  do  the  whole  earth  in  their  com- 
pass, are  raising  these  questions  in  many- 
minds.  No  more  momentous  questions, 
none  more  startling,  none  more  inspiring, 
have  ever  been  raised.  They  involve  the 
widest,  the  deepest,  the  most  enduring  in- 
terests of  individuals  and  of  nations,  singly 
and  combined,  in  the  ages  to  come.  In 
them  are  involved  also  many  smaller 
weighty  questions,  the  solution  of  which 
has  puzzled,  and  continues  to  puzzle,  men's 
brains,  —  questions  of  commerce,  of  finance, 
of  labor  and  capital,  etc.,  —  the  solution  of 
which  will  come  about  naturally  and  easily 
when  the  larger  problems  have  been  dis- 
posed of. 

The  following  pages  are  an  attempt  to 
discover  what  light  is  thrown  upon  these 
questions  by  the  nature  of  man,  the  consti- 
tution of  society,  the  past  and  present  rela- 
tions of  the  nations  to  one  another,  and  the 
progress  of  the  federative  principle  during 
the  century  now  closing.     By  way  of  intro- 


The  Federation  of  the  World  3 

duction  to  the  discussion,  I  may  say  at  the 
outset  that  my  own  mind  has  reached  the 
clear  and  settled  conviction  that  a  federa- 
tion of  the  world  is  not  only  possible  and 
jjasy-of  attainment,  but  that  it  is  desirable 
in  the  extreme  as  a  fundamental  social 
necessity.  A  great  international  state,1  co- 
extensive with  the  surface  of  the  globe, 
with  some  sort  of  government  directing  the 
general  interests  of  the  race  and  compati- 
ble with  local  self-government,  is  the  neces- 
sary and  inevitable  outgrowth  of  the  nature 
of  man  and  of  society,  under  the  action 
of  the  divinely  ordained  social  processes, 
and  that  regeneration  and  reconstruction  of 
humanity  which  Christianity  is  bringing 
about. 

1  Kant,  Perpetual  Peace ',  Second  Section,  2,  near  the 
end.  Kant  was  the  first  to  give  us  the  idea  of  a  great 
international  state.  He  does  not  seem,  however,  to 
have  believed  such  a  state  possible.  He  pleads  for  a 
voluntary  federation  of  states  as  the  only  realizable 
means  for  putting  an  end  to  international  violence.  Of 
the  nature  of  this  federation  he  gives  no  clear  concep- 
tion. 


4  The  Federation  of  the  World 

The  question  of  the  peace  of  the  world, 
universal  and  perpetual,  is  now  one  of  the 
uppermost  in  all  thoughtful  minds.  Even 
those  who  do  not  believe  that  such  a  state 
of  human  society  is  desirable  or  realizable 
are  compelled  to  struggle  with  the  idea.1 
Universal  peace,  which  seemed  a  little  while 
ago  the  dream  of  disordered  brains,  has 
suddenly  transformed  itself  into  the  waking 
vision  of  the  soberest  and  clearest  of  intel- 
lects. This  world-peace,  the  signs  of  whose 
coming  are  now  many  and"  unmistakable, 
will  not  be  established  between  men  and 
nations  as  so  many  separate  units  or  groups, 
standing  apart  with  different  and  unshared 
interests,  agreeing  to  let  each  other  alone 
and  to  respect  each  other  s  rights  at  a  dis- 

1  Von  Moltke  was  accustomed  to  say :  "  Permanent 
peace  is  a  dream,  and  not  even  a  beautiful  dream,  and 
war  is  a  law  of  God's  order  in  the  world,  by  which  the 
noblest  virtues  of  man,  courage  and  self-denial,  loyalty 
and  self-sacrifice,  even  to  the  point  of  death,  are  devel- 
oped. Without  war  the  world  would  deteriorate  into 
materialism."  —  Von  Moltke  as  a  Correspondent^  trans* 
lated  by  Mary  Herms. 


The  Federation  of  the  World  5 

tance.  Such  a  peace,  even  if  it  were  pos- 
sible, would  be  at  best  only  a  negative  one, 
having  little  vitality  and  little  power  for 
good.  Universal  peace  will  come  rather-/' 
through  federation  and  cooperation.  Thefj/f 
nature  of  man  remaining  as  it  is,  it  can 
come  in  no  other  way.  The  war-drum  will 
continue  to  throb  and  battle-flags  to  beat 
the  wind,  armies  to  be  equipped  and  navies 
to  be  built,  until  men  and  nations  not  only 
consider  themselves  "  members  one  of  an- 
other," but  until  they  in  some  large  way 
tre^t  each  other  so.  All  progress  in  peace 
and  toward  final  peace  which  has  been 
already  made  has  been  made  primarily  ^y 
along  this  positive  line.  Abstinence  from 
smiting  with  the  fist  or  with  the  sword  is 
in  large  measure  the  expression  in  a  nega- 
tive way  of  a  change  in  men's  dispositions 
toward  each  other,  which  results  in  positive 
mutual  beneficence.  In  this  changed  dis- 
position the  fist  spontaneously  opens  and 
the  sword  falls  from  the  hand.  When  the 
day  of  universal  peace  arrives,  it  will  not 


6  The  Federation  of  the  World 

find  all  hatred  and  disposition  to  do  evil 
.gone,  but  it  will  find  men  and  nations  so 
'  strongly  united  in  the  bonds  of  kindly  fel- 
lowship and  mutual  service  as  to  render 
the  disintegrating  forces  of  ill-will  practi- 
cally powerless,  —  powerless,  at  any  rate, 
to  do  mischief  on  a  large  scale. 


The  Solidarity  of  Humanity 


FEDERATION  finds  its  fundamen- 
tal reason  and  its  primal  necessity 
in  the  constitution  of  humanity. 
The  human  race  is  one  race.  God  "  made 
of  one  every  nation  of  men  to  dwell  on  all 
the  face  of  the  earth."  The  oneness  of  ori- 
gin and  descent  of  the  various  peoples  of 
the  globe  is  now  established  with  practical 
certainty  on  purely  scientific  grounds.1 
In  constitution  also  is  the  race  one  race. 
The  human  body,  of  black  or  white,  of  red 
or  yellow,  is  the  same  in  structure,  in  pur- 
pose and  in  needs,  the  world  over.  The 
human  mind  is  everywhere  built  on  the 
same  pattern.  The  highest  man  and  the 
lowest  man  can  learn  each  other's  language 
and   commune  with  each   other  intellectu- 


1  Darwin,  Descent  of  Man,  Part  I.,  chap.  vii. 


8  The  Federation  of  the  World 

ally.  Human  feelings  in  all  individuals  and 
in  all  races  are  the  same  feelings,  however 
they  may  vary  in  degree  or  manner  of 
expression.  Pleasure  and  pain,  joy  and 
grief,  hope  and  fear,  love  and  hate,  are  the 
same  affections  wherever  experienced.  The 
power  of  moral  determination,  though  vary- 
ing widely  in  its  range  of  activity,  is  opera- 
tive in  all  men,  and  the  capacity  for  the 
same  moral  ideals  is  likewise  everywhere 
found.  This  constitutional  unity  of  the 
race  is  practically  meaningless  on  any  other 
theory  than  that  of  cooperation  and  mutual 
service  in  working  out  the  destiny  of  each 
and  all. 

The  oneness  and  solidarity  of  humanity 
are  more  strikingly  apparent  from  another 
point  of  view.  Men  need  each  other ;  they 
cannot  live  without  each  other.  Husband 
and  wife,  parent  and  child,  brother  and  sis- 
ter, live  through  and  for  one  another.  Be- 
yond the  family  circle,  neighbor  needs 
neighbor,  one  family  another  family,  one 
community  another  community.     The  fam- 


The  Federation  of  the  World  9 

ily  that  eats  all  its  own  wheat  and  corn, 
its  own  pork  and  beans,  that  weaves  its 
own  cloth  out  of  home-grown  fibres,  that 
makes  its  own  clothing,  tans  its  own  leather, 
makes  its  own  boots  and  shoes,  shoes  its 
own  horses  ;  that  sells  nothing  and  buys 
nothing  from  others,  that  has  no  minister 
or  teacher  outside  of  its  own  members, 
may  become  a  keen  and  shrewd,  nay,  even 
a  good  little  society  within  its  own  narrow 
limits.  Such  a  family,  if  it  were  possible, 
would,  however,  lead  a  meagre  and  precari- 
ous existence,  and  always  remain  a  narrow 
and  stunted  society.  Its  members  could 
not  rise  high  in  the  scale  of  that  intelli- 
gence, largeness  of  spirit,  self-control,  and 
altruistic  thoughtfulness  which  constitute 
men  truly  human.  So  strongly  is  the  need 
of  the  companionship  and  help  of  others  felt, 
for  spiritual  as  well  as  for  commercial  rea- 
sons, that  families  have  rarely  been  willing 
to  live  in  this  isolated  way,  except  under  the 
stress  of  great  necessity,  as  in  pioneer  life. 
Not  only  in  the  great  migrations  of  history, 


io  The  Federation  of  the  World 

but  in  all  sorts  of  colonial  settlements,  men 
have  gone  together  in  companies  larger  or 
smaller.  So  great  is  the  enjoyment  as  well 
as  the  practical  necessity  of  association, 
that  most  families  would  rather  live  near 
one  another  and  fight  than  at  a  distance 
and  be  at  peace. 

Social  dependence  and  the  necessity  of 
mutual  helpfulness,  as  fundamental  facts 
of  human  nature,  grow  much  more  marked 
as  the  race  becomes  more  numerous  and 
society  more  complex.  A  farmer  whose 
family  has  given  up  or  never  learned  shoe- 
making,  horseshoeing,  weaving,  spinning, 
and  the  like,  because  it  is  more  profit- 
able and  agreeable  to  follow  agriculture 
as  a  specialty,  becomes  poverty  -  stricken 
and  helpless  the  moment  he  finds  himself 
unable  to  deal  with  the  stock-buyers,  grain- 
merchants  and  grocers.  He  may  com- 
plain of  the  village  or  city  as  much  as  he 
likes,  of  its  dainty-fingered  inhabitants  and 
of  all  the  lines  of  trade  which  centre  there, 
but   you   will   see   him   heading  that  way 


The  Federation  of  the  World  1 1 

every  week  just  the  same.  The  city  folk, 
too,  may  look  with  something  like  contempt 
on  the  "  long  whiskers/'  the  "  horny  hands  " 
and  the  workaday  clothes  of  the  country 
people,  but  they  are  always  delighted  to  see 
them  come  in  with  their  loads  of  grain, 
their  buckets  of  butter  and  their  fluttering 
coops  of  ducks  and  chickens. 

Any  great  city  like  New  York  or  Lon- 
don, in  the  advanced  state  of  social  devel- 
opment which  such  a  city  implies,  is  always 
within  a  week  of  starvation x  if  suddenly  cut 
off  from  the  rest  of  the  world.  Every  clime 
and  every  industry  contributes  daily  to  the 
supply  of  its  needs.  It  raises  not  a  bushel 
of  wheat,  not  a  load  of  corn.  It  fats  no 
beeves  or  swine.  It  produces  not  a  ton  of 
coal,  not  a  board  of  lumber.  The  wool  and 
cotton  which  it  uses  are  grown  far  away 

1  Edward  Atkinson,  speech  at  the  American  Confer- 
ence on  International  Arbitration,  held  at  Washington, 
D.  C,  April  22  and  23,  1896,  says  that  the  world  is 
always  within  a  year  or  less  of  starvation.  See  Report, 
p.  47. 


12  The  Federation  of  the  World 

from  its  borders.  When  the  carts  cease  to 
come  in  from  the  suburban  gardens,  the 
trains  of  freight  to  thunder  into  its  sta- 
tions, or  the  boats  of  merchandise  to  drop 
anchor  in  its  harbor,  it  becomes  at  once  as 
helpless  as  a  child,  and  begins  to  cry  out 
for  the  breast  of  the  great  world-mother. 
A  strike  on  a  modern  street-car  line  de- 
ranges the  plans  of  every  home  in  a  city ; 
a  strike  on  a  great  railway  system  throws 
every  corner  of  the  land  into  confusion; 

This  interlacing  and  interdependence  of 
individuals,  of  families,  of  communities  and 
of  classes,  in  every  relation  of  life,  might  be 
traced  out,  with  interest  and  profit,  ad  libi- 
tum. But  the  lesson  is  as  clear  from  the 
cases  given  as  it  could  be  made  by  any 
multiplication  of  the  number.  The  curious 
thing  about  this  fact  is  that  men  in  their 
normal  condition  create,  spontaneously  and 
intentionally,  by  the  very  necessities  of 
their  nature,  the  conditions  which,  while 
making  them  indefinitely  stronger  and  more 
prosperous  when  united  with  their  fellow- 


The  Federation  of  the  World  13 

men,  render  them  more  and  more  helpless 
when  left  to  themselves. 

The  dependence  of  nations  on  one  an- 
other is  exactly  the  same  in  kind,  though 
at  first  sight  not  so  apparent.  The  fact 
that  some  of  them  occupy  large  sections  of 
the  earth's  surface,  and  have  such  a  wide 
range  of  interdependent  activities  within 
their  borders,  has  led  some  people  to  the 
hasty  conclusion  that  they  are  exceptions 
to  the  great  law  of  human  interdependence. 
Only  in  them,  however,  does  this  law  have 
its  final,  its  highest  and  most  efficient  ful- 
fillment. Our  time  is  rapidly  discovering 
this  to  be  true,  and  this  discovery  is  to 
prove  the  greatest  lever  for  lifting  the  world 
that  has  ever  been  dreamed  of.  Great  deeds 
of  unsurpassed  beneficence  will  be  wrought 
when  the  whole  race  shall  put  forth  its  in- 
tellectual, moral  and  social  powers  in  the 
freest  and  fullest  combination  and  harmony. 
This  is  a  prophecy  which  is  even  now  writ- 
ing itself  legibly  on  society  without  the 
intervention  of  a  man's  hand. 


14  The  Federation  of  the  World 

As  has  often  been  stated  by  economists, 
some  nations  are  so  situated  in  respect  of 
the  physical  conditions  of  the  earth  that 
they  would  lead  a  half -starved  existence  if 
compelled  to  live  without  intercourse  with 
others.  The  whole  of  Great  Britain,  with 
her  present  dense  population,  would  soon 
grow  almost  as  poor  as  the  poorest  sections 
of  Ireland  if  it  were  not  for  her  large  inter- 
course with  other  lands.  At  the  present 
time  this  intercourse  furnishes  the  basis,  of 
nearly  all  the  occupations  by  which  her  citi- 
zens live  and  prosper.  Many  of  the  wars 
of  former  times  had  their  root-cause,  in  con- 
siderable measure,  in  this  international,  in- 
ter-racial or  inter-tribal  need.  People  were 
too  selfish  and  narrow  to  satisfy  this  need 
in  a  normal  and  friendly  way,  and  hence 
were  driven  by  their  necessities  to  try  to 
satisfy  it  in  the  barbarous  and  destructive 
way  of  war.  Much  of  the  friction  still  exist- 
ing between  the  nations  results  from  the 
pressure  of  this  imperious  necessity  of  inter- 
national traffic  against  the  selfish  and  short- 


The  Federation  of  the  World  15 

sighted  nationalism  which  erects  barriers  of 
one  kind  and  another  to  shut  off  one  sec- 
tion of  the  earth  from  natural  and  healthy 
intercourse  with  other  sections.  The  pres- 
sure will  continue  until  it  has  conquered 
and  destroyed  the  spirit  of  national  exclu- 
siveness  ;  for  however  illiberal  any  people 
may  itself  be,  no  people  is  willing  to  be 
shut  out  from  participating  in  the  advan- 
tages which  others  possess  over  it.  It  feels 
that  it  has  a  natural  right  to  a  share  in 
whatever  blessings  any  portion  of  the  earth 
offers,  and  all  nations  will  insist  on  this 
right  until  they  obtain  it  —  and,  what  is 
more,  till  they  become  large-hearted  and 
sensible  enough  to  give  it. 

In  matters  pertaining  to  mind  and^char^ 
|i£ter_also,  nations  are  the  complements  one 
of  another.  France  and  Germany  are  not 
more  unlike  in  soil  and  climate  than  they 
are  in  the  physical  and  psychical  character- 
istics of  their  people.  This  statement  is 
not  intended  to  cover  up  the  fact  that  these 
two  great  peoples,  as  any  other  two  peoples, 


l6  The  Federation  of  the  World 

have  more  similarities  than  differences.  But 
the  differences  between  them  are  so  marked 
that  they  greatly  need  each  other,  in  order 
that  they  may  both  do  the  most  for  their 
own  material  and  spiritual  development 
and  for  the  civilization  of  the  world.  The 
estrangement  between  them,  because  of  the 
evil  influences  of  the  utterly  inhuman  sys- 
tem of  militarism,  is  wholly  unnatural.  They 
ought  to  be,  normally,  the  greatest  friends 
in  Europe.  If  the  money  which  they  spend 
and  the  effort  which  they  put  forth  in  try- 
ing to  outwit  and  humiliate  each  other 
were  employed  by  them  in  doing  each  other 
mutual  services,  they  would  be  the  two  cen- 
\r\  tral  pillars  of  European  civilization.  As  it 
is,  their  service  to  humanity  is  very  much 
neutralized  by  their  intense  mutual  anti- 
pathy. They  are  the  peril  of  the  whole 
Old  World,  the  peril  of  all  the  acquisitions 
of  civilization.  A  similar  charge  may  be 
brought  against  a  number  of  other  nations 
in  their  own  spheres.  The  stupendous  ini- 
quity and  the  far-working  mischievousness 


The  Federation  of  the  World  17 

of  national  self-sufficiency  are  coming  to  be 
clearly  recognized  by  an  increasing  number 
of  people  in  all  countries,  to  whom  the  truth 
has  impressively  come  that  nations  cannot, 
any  more  than  individuals,  live  unto  them- 
selves. 

All  well-read  persons  are  familiar  with  the 
thought,  often  expressed  by  a  certain  class  of 
our  citizens,  that  the  United  States,  because 
of  the  greatness  of  her  territory,  the  variety 
of  her  soil  and  climate,  the  vigor  and  intelli- 
gence of  her  people,  could  and  should  live 
unto  herself ;  that  she  should  produce  every- 
thing which  she  consumes,  and  in  general 
get  on  without  the  rest  of  the  world.  A 
great  variety  of  excessively  righteous  and 
patriotic  motives  are  given  in  support  of 
this  position.  This  view  has  just  enough 
superficial  reasons  in  its  favor  to  carry  away 
people  of  narrow  vision  and  little  thought. 
It  is  the  kind  of  intellectual  pabulum  which 
the  hurrah-patriots  deal  out,  highly  sea- 
soned, in  unstinted  quantities  to  their  senti- 
mental followers.     But  this  theory  consist- 


1 8  The  Federation  of  the  World 

ently  carried  out,  as  the  chauvinists,  its 
originators,  never  do  carry  it  out,  would 
require  us  to  keep  at  home  the  billion 
and  a  half  of  dollars*  worth  of  products 
'  which  we  annually  sell  to  the  rest  of  the 
world,  call  home  all  our  diplomatic  and  con- 
sular representatives  abroad,  shut  out  all 
foreign  comers,  cease  to  travel  among  other 
peoples,  take  all  our  ships  off  the  ocean, 
write  all  the  books  and  papers  which  we 
read,  create  our  own  science,  our  own  art, 
our  own  everything.  The  theory  needs 
I  only  to  be  stated  clearly,  to  receive  imme- 
/1  diate  and  utter  condemnation.  What  these 
selfish,  narrow-minded  people  really  mean 
is  that  we  should  get  all  we  can  out  of 
other  peoples,  and  give  little  or  nothing 
in  return,  — a  position  repugnant  to  every 
principle  of  justice  and  honor,  of  economic 
development  and  prosperity. 

It  is  unquestionably  true  that  the  United 
States  could  live  alone,  and  live  better 
than  any  other  section  of  the  world  could 
so  live.     But  we  could  not  live  thus  as  we 


The  Federation  of  the  World  ig 

ought  to  live, — the  large,  rich,  human,  use- 
ful life  that  we  have  been  in  a  measure 
living,  and  that  we  are  destined  more  and 
more  to  live,  if  we  keep  clear  of  the  sin  of 
hating,  irritating,  and  fighting  other  peo- 
ples. The  United  States  is  not  the  whole 
world.  There  are  numberless  treasures 
which  we  do  not  possess.  There  are  things 
which  we  can  never  grow,  or  grow  only 
with  great  waste  of  energy.  There  are 
markets  which  we  cannot  duplicate  at 
home,  and  whole  argosies  of  products  ^ 
which  we  must  sell  abroad  or  let  perish  in 
field  or  storehouse.  There  are  phenomena 
of  earth  and  sea  and  sky  which  no  citizen 
of  this  country  has  seen,  or  can  see,  with- 
out crossing  the  seas.  In  brains  as  well 
as  in  climate  God  has  not  given  us  every- 
thing. There  are  thoughts  which  we  can- 
not think,  originally.  There  are  books 
which  we  never  could  have  written,  dis-  ! 
coveries  of  science  which  we  could  not 
have  made,  conceptions  of  high  art  entirely 
beyond  our  intellectual   range.     We  draw 


^f   THE 

I  VERSITY] 


^ 


20  The  Federation  of  the  World 

our  life  from  everywhere.  We  owe  our 
v/very  existence  to  the  Old  World.  Europe 
is  the  mother  of  us  all.  Our  history  all 
begins  on  the  other  side  of  the  sea.  Our 
life  is  fed  thence  in  a  thousand  ways.  The 
Old  World  and  the  New  are,  commercially, 
intellectually,  morally  and  socially,  as  much 
parts  of  each  other  as  the  two  halves  of 
^  the  planet.  The  same  is  true  of  all  parts 
of  the  race  in  reference  to  one  another,  as 
might  be  illustrated  indefinitely.  If  there 
is  any  earthly  fact  perfectly  clear  to  all 
sane  minds,  it  is  that  the  human  race, 
physically,  intellectually,  morally,  socially, 
economically,  is  one  race ;  that  it  has  one 
great  joint  habitation,  one  broad  varied  field 
for  the  exercise  and  unfolding  of  its  capa- 
cities ;  that  its  interests  are  one,  that  it  has 
a  common  destiny. 

Note.  There  has  been  marked  improvement  in  the 
attitude  of  France  and  Germany  toward  each  other  since 

\this  book  was  first  published  in  1899.     What  is  said, 
therefore,  on  page  16  is  no  longer  a  just  statement  in 
1    regard  to  them.     Witness  the  Algeciras  Conference,  the 
events  connected  with  the  Courrieres  disaster,  etc. 


II 


Solidarity  Unrealised 


HIS  solidarity  of  humanity,  founded 
in  the  constitutional  unity  of  the 
race,  and  in  that  divergence  in 
characteristics  which  renders  all  peoples 
necessary  to  one  another  for  the  highest 
individual,  national  and  racial  development, 
has  as  yet  been  poorly  realized.  Between 
many  parts  of  the  world  there  have  ap- 
peared but  the  vaguest  traces  of  it.  Be- 
tween great  nations,  calling  themselves 
civilized  and  Christian,  there  is  still  an 
appalling  lack  of  it.  They  have  accepted 
as  much  of  it  as  the  irresistible  tide  of 
progress  has  compelled  them  to  accept. 
Along  a  few  lines  voluntary  efforts  have 
been  made  to  realize  solidarity  in  its  world- 
wide aspects,  but  these  have  been  weak- 
ened and  much  hidden  from  view  by  the 


22  The  Federation  of  the  World 

continuance  of  the  old  struggle  for  indi- 
vidual and  national  mastery,  with  its  blind 
disregard  for  the  rights  of  others  and  their 
power  of  return  services. 

The  sin  of  the  world  has  been  that  the 
race  of  man,  instead  of  being  a  loving,  co- 
operating, united  race,  as  it  was  destined 
to  be,  and  as  it  some  day  will  be,  has  been 
a  hating,  fighting,  distracted,  broken  one. 
The  law  of  life  in  general  has  been  every 
man  for  himself  and  against  every  other 
man  as  much  as  necessary  for  selfish  ends. 
Of  the  exceptions  to  this  law  and  of  the 
movements  of  another  law,  "struggle  for 
^the  life  of  others,"  *  something  will  be  said 
later.  Even  in  the  family,  where  from  the 
beginning  of  history  the  sense  of  depend- 
ence, of  regard  for  others,  of  solidarity,  has 
been  most  strongly  felt,  the  law  of  hate 
and  strife  has  held  sway.  If  the  world's 
history  could  be  fully  written,  no  chapter 
would  be  more  distressingly  interesting 
than  that  on  family  quarrels.  It  would 
1  Henry  Drummond,  The  Ascent  of  Man>  chap.  vii. 


The  Federation  of  the  World         23 

be  copious  enough  to  satisfy  the  curiosity 
of  the  most  confirmed  gossip-monger.  It 
would  be  well  for  the  world  if  its  other 
quarrels  had  been  attended  by  as  much 
feeling  of  shame,  and  they  had  been  as 
carefully  concealed  as  its  family  quarrels. 

When  the  first  families  began  to  branch 
off  and  to  develop  into  tribes,  the  feeling 
of  oneness  and  solidarity,  which,  in  spite  of 
strife  and  contention,  had  been  preserved 
to  a  considerable  degree  by  the  immediate 
necessities  and  affections  of  the  family, 
began  rapidly  to  disappear.  Appetite,  pas- 
sion, greed,  the  desire  for  mastery,  prevailed 
over  the  sense  of  kinship,  right  and  duty. 
Within  the  various  tribes,  beginning  from 
each  particular  family,  the  same  process 
went  on,  resulting  in  internal  strife  and 
division.  A  little  way  down  the  diverging 
lines  of  descent  the  sense  of  kinship  and 
fellowship  often,  in  appearance  at  least, 
disappeared  entirely.  Forests,  rivers  and 
mountains,  once  passed,  made  intercommu- 
nication difficult;  means  of  preserving  an- 


24  The  Federation  of  the  World 

cestral  records  were  few ;  language  changed 
rapidly;  and  as  the  clans  and  tribes  wan- 
dered on  they  often  became  entirely  un- 
known one  to  another,  and  to  those  left 
behind.  In  this  way,  when  by  any  chance 
peoples  in  their  wanderings  met,  or  fell  in 
with  other  peoples  of  more  fixed  habita- 
tion, they  came  to  seem  to  one  another  of 
an  entirely  different  race  and  origin,  or,  if 
kinship  was  suspected,  the  sense  of  it  was 
overpowered  by  the  selfish  instincts  and 
determinations. 

Neighboring  tribes  sometimes  preserved 
some  feeling  of  oneness  and  mutual  inter- 
est, especially  where  their  dispositions  and 
physical  surroundings  kept  them  for  long 
periods  in  the  same  region  until  they  de- 
veloped into  a  people  more  or  less  homo- 
geneous, or  where  they  found  themselves 
compelled  to  unite  in  common  defense 
against  aggressors.  But  neighboring  tribes 
more  often  fell  into  strife  and  engaged  in 
petit  wars  of  conquest  and  revenge.  Feuds 
grew  up  which  lasted  generation  after  gen- 
J 


The  Federation  of  the  World  25 

eration.  Strong  tribes  became  aggressors 
and  enslaved  weaker  ones.  The  leaders  of 
the  conquering  tribes  became  warrior  kings, 
whose  selfish  ambition  for  wide  -  reaching 
conquests  often  knew  no  bounds.  Through 
them  grew  up  little  and  great  monarchies, 
with  their  bloody  exploits,  their  slaveries 
and  their  tyrannies. 

It  is  impossible  to  trace  this  wreckage  of 
brotherhood,  this  failure  to  realize  solidar- 
ity, as  it  worked  its  way  down  in  history  as 
families  became  tribes,  tribes  peoples,  and 
peoples  nations.  When  we  reach  that  point 
where  historic  records  become  clear  and 
trustworthy,  we  find  men,  tribes,  peoples, 
nations,  everywhere  hating,  fighting,  plun- 
dering, enslaving  and  destroying  one  an- 
other. Not  literally  at  every  moment  has 
this  been  true,  or  in  every  region.  The 
work  of  destruction  has  often  ceased  from 
sheer  exhaustion  on  one  or  both  sides,  until 
strength  has  been  recovered  for  new  on- 
slaughts'. It  must  not  be  forgotten  that 
family  connections  and  affections  have  al- 


26  The  Federation  of  the  World 

ways  tended  to  restore  within  certain  limits 
the  sense  of  brotherhood  and  oneness.  So, 
too,  right  and  duty,  love  and  beneficence, 
have  sometimes  asserted  their  power  even 
between  alien  peoples.  Nevertheless,  the 
one  feature  of  history,  standing  out  above 
all  others,  has  been  the  hating,  quarreling 
and  mutual  destruction  practiced  by  men 
of  all  ages  and  of  all  climes.  This  kind  of 
history  is  still  making  itself.  Within  the 
borders  of  nations  there  has  been  a  great 
change.  Here  civil  order  and  peace  for 
the  most  part  prevail.  Private  war,  duel- 
ing and  personal  fighting  have  almost  dis- 
appeared. By  the  action  of  the  collective 
will  of  the  social  body  law  has  taken  the 
place  of  violence.  But  between  the  nations 
distrust  and  force  still  have  it  very  much 
their  own  way.  To  what  extent  a  better 
spirit  is  prevailing,  and  may  be  expected 
further  to  prevail,  in  international  affairs, 
and  by  what  means  the  change  is  to  be 
brought  about,  will  be  examined  later. 


Ill 


The  Causes  of  the  Disunity 

JHAT  has  been  the  cause,  or  causes, 
of  this  hideous  historic  phenome- 
non?     There    have   been   several 
causes.     Lack  of  moral  development  is  the 

general  cause  assigned  by  the  evolutionary ^J 

philosophy.     If  this  means  lack  of  moral 
capacity,  that  men  did  not  and  could  not 
know  any  better,  it  doubtless  played  some 
part  in  the.  earli£r~ages, and  in  specific  cases 
all  the  way  down.     But  it  is  difficult,  on\ 
any  intelligent  reading  of  authentic  history,  \ 
to  give  this  cause  the  foremost  place,  or  I 
even  any  considerable  place,  in  the  produc-  1 
tion   of   the    animosities   and  wars   which 
have  prevailed.     It  is  impossible  to  believe 
that  the  wars  of  the  nineteenth,  or  of  any 
other  recent  century,  have  been  waged  by 


28  The  Federation  of  the  World 

peoples  or  rulers  who  had  no  moral  con- 
ception of  the  iniquity  of  which  they  were 
guilty  and  no  power  to  abstain  from  it.  It 
taxes  to  the  utmost  one's  power  of  belief 
to  hold  this  view  of  the  great  contests 
recorded  in  ancient  history.  Had  Rome 
and  Greece  no  conscience  and  no  power  of 
self-control  ?  Were  Babylonia,  Persia,  the 
Egyptian  dynasties  and  Carthage  merely 
acting  as  irresponsible  children,  in  their 
wars  of  conquest  and  of  revenge  ?  What- 
ever may  be  true  of  prehistoric  or  of  early 
historic  men,  the  time  went  by  many  cen- 
\turies  ago  when  wars  were  nothing  more 
jthan  the  expression  of  the  struggling  forces 
3f  beings  who  had  no  moral  light  to  guide 
them.  The  simple  fact  that  they  judged 
id  condemned  one  another  for  injustice, 
:>r  deeds  of  the  same  sort  as  were  done  by 
(themselves,  is  all  the  proof  of  this  position 
ttiat  it  is  necessary  to  bring. 

Turning  this  evolutionary  reason  another 
way,  the  animalism  in  man  is  assigned  as 
the  cause  of  the  phenomenon.     Certainly, 


The  Federation  of  the  World  2g 

exhibitions  of  greed  and  passion,  and  brutal 
deeds  superficially  resembling  those  of  sav- 
age beasts,  have  abounded  beyond  number- 
ing in  all  human  history.  But  whoever 
takes  the  trouble  to  think  the  matter 
through  knows  that  no  species  of  animal 
has  ever  been  known  whose  members  have 
quarreled  and  fought  among  themselves 
intentionally,  intelligently,  systematically, 
and  generation  after  generation,  after  the 
manner  of  men.  The  animalism  in  man, 
which  has  furnished  in  a  way  the  basis  for 
his  tyrannies,  robberies,  animosities  •  and 
destructive  violence,  has  had  connected 
with  it  something  of  which  the  animal 
knows  nothing,  —  something  which,  if  used 
as  it  might  have  been  used,  would  have 
made  the  records  of  the  past  very  different 
from  what  they  have  been.  The  bloody 
history  of  the  world  has  been  human  his- 
tory, not  animal  history.  It  has  therefore 
been  in  large  part,  and  always  in  some  part, 
wicked  and  criminal  history.  It  is  a  cheap " y 
and  unworthy  method  of  accounting  for  the 


$0  The  Federation  of  the  World 

bloody  abominations  of  our  race  to  assign  as 
their  principal  cause  an  irresponsible  and 
uncontrollable  animalism.  On  such  a  the- 
(pry  there  can  be  no  moral  criticism  of  his- 
/  tory.  It  is  not  strange,  however,  that  such 
va  theory  is  adopted.  All  of  us  at  times 
blush  to  be  connected  with  a  species  of 
being  the  conduct  of  whose  members  has 
so  often  been,  and  still  is  so  often,  diamet- 
rically opposite  to  all  that  might  have  been 
expected  of  them.  But  nothing  is  gained 
for  the  truth  when  we  wipe  out  the  respon- 
sibility of  our  progenitors,  and  of  many  of 
our  contemporaries,  by  coolly  passing  them 
through  our  psychological  matrix  and  trans- 
forming them  into  apes  and  tigers.  To  do 
this  is  no  credit  either  to  ourselves  or  to 
the  wild  beasts.  Whatever  the  poets  may 
say,  men  have  never  been,  in  historic  times 
W'at  least,  apes  and  tigers,  except  as  they 
have  made  themselves  such. 

Another  reason,  akin  to  the  foregoing, 
which  has  been  assigned  for  the  phenome- 
non in  question,  is  heredity.     But  this  has 


The  Federation  of  the  World  31 

not  been  the  primal  cause.  Men  began  to^ 
fight  frefore_,heredity  had  had  time  to  work  ( 
in  any  wide  way.  They  have  continued  to 
fight,  in  the  most  atrocious  ways,  in  those 
countries  where  base  inheritances  are  sup- 
posed to  have  been  largely  mastered  by 
intellectual  and  moral  training.  Men  have 
gone  to  battlefields  direct  from  Christian 
churches  and  Christian  homes,  with  gen- 
erations of  Christian  blood  in  their  veins, 
and  have  voluntarily  joined  in  committing 
deeds  about  the  details  of  which  every  sol- 
dier with  a  conscience  is  always  silent. 
Heredity,  by  its  transmission  of  bad  in- 1  (ti$ 
stincts  and  dispositions,  has  played  a  seri-  • 
ous  part  in  the  maintenance  of  strife  and 
violence  in  the  earth.  But  if  it  were  the 
chief  cause,  all  our  efforts  for  the  banish- 
ment of  hatred  and  war  would  be  perfectly 
hopeless.  Heredity,  because  it  is  a  con- 
trollable factor,  is  to  play  just  as  prominent 
a  part  in  the  creation  and  maintenance  of 
universal  and  perpetual  peace,  when  men 
decide  to  have  it  so. 


)2  The  Federation  of  the  World 

Ignorance  also  has  done  much  to  keep 
alive  the  spirit  and  practice  of  war.  Not 
ignorance  in  general ;  for  the  most  intelli- 
^gent  nations  have  done  most  of  the  hard, 
destructive  fighting ;  so  much  so  that  one 
is  inclined  at  times  grimly  to  think  that  the 
chief  evidence  of  civilization  in  men  is  the 
highly  developed  disposition  and  capacity 
to  cut  each  other's  throats  scientifically 
and  gracefully,  or  to  blow  each  other  into 
fragments  in  the  speediest  and  most  whole- 
sale way.  The  ignorance  meant  is  that 
which  nations  show  in  respect  to  one  an- 
other. %  Some  of  this,  —  much  of  it  perhaps, 
—  among  the  earlier  and  ruder  peoples, 
whose  opportunities  of  intercommunication 
were  few,  was  unavoidable  and  therefore 
pardonable.  But  in  later  times  the  woeful 
ignorance  which  peoples  have  exhibited  in 
reference  to  almost  everything  pertaining  to 
other  peoples,  except  their  faults  and  follies, 
[has  been  quite  as  much  the  effect  as  the 
Vcause  of  their  mutual  hatreds.  /This  igno- 
rance, largely  voluntary  and  therefore  crim- 


The  Federation  of  the  World         33 

inal,  has  been  and  still  is  one  of  the  chief 
bulwarks  of  the  war  system.  Hiding  behind 
it,  the  citizens  of  one  nation  conjure  up 
every  imaginable  ill  intent  on  the  part  of 
those  of  another.  Out  of  the  consequent 
suspicion  and  fear  grow  armies  and  navies 
and  war  budgets.  This  criminal  interna- 
tional ignorance  is  one  of  the  worst  foes 
with  which  the  friends  of  humanity  have  to 
deal,  for  at  its  heart  is  found  the  real  cause 
of  the  disunity  of  humanity. 

Another  of  the  potent  influences  which 
have  cooperated  to  produce  this  monstrous 
phenomenon  of  history  is  false  education. 
Fathers  have  taught  their  sons  to  hate 
those  whom  they  have  hated,  to  keep  the 
fires  of  vengeance  burning  on  the  family 
hearthstone  until  offenders  against  their 
rights  were  overtaken  and  slain  or  beaten 
down  and  enslaved.  Aggression  and  con- 
quest have  been  taught  as  a  duty.  Mo- 
thers have  sung  their  children  to  sleep  with 
ballads  of  enmity  and  strife,  and  enter- 
tained them  during  their  waking  hours  with 


34  The  Federation  of  the  World 

stories  of  battles  and  with  toy  implements 
of  war,  until  the  imaginations  of  the  little 
ones  were  filled  with  pictures  of  blood  and 
cruelty,  and  their  young  spirits  charged 
with  the  frenzied  desire  to  rush  forth  to 
fight  and  to  slay.  From  their  earliest 
years  the  children  of  the  past,  in  home  and 
school,  have  been  fed  on  hostility  and  war. 
In  this  way  the  larger  human  affections 
have  been  greatly  stifled  and  the  voice  of 
conscience  often  nearly  silenced.  When 
the  children  have  grown  older  they  have, 
in  spite  of  the  protests  of  their  moral  na- 
ture, voluntarily  repeated  the  error  and 
passed  it  on.  The  leaders  and  guides  of 
peoples  have  been  deeply  guilty  of  this  sin. 
Statesmen  and  public  orators,  priests  and 
ministers  of  religion,  historians  and  poets, 
have  inculcated  a  love  of  country  which 
meant  little  else  than  hatred  andcontferhpt 
for  other  peoples,  and  eagerness  to  injure 
and  destroy  them  on  the  slightest  provoca- 
tion. 

Much  is  said  nowadays  about  the   evil 


The  Federation  of  the  World         35 

influence  of  the  detailed  descriptions  of 
battles  found  in  school-books  of  history. 
This  influence  is  bad  enough,  certainly, 
especially  when  these  descriptions  are 
coupled,  as  they  so  often  are,  with  the  idea, 
openly  asserted  or  implied,  that  war  is  the 
noblest  and  most  glorious  of  all  callings, 
that  there  is  no  heroism,  no  manliness,  like 
that  of  the  soldier.  But  this  war  teaching 
of  the  school-books  does  not  begin  to  equal 
in  mischievousness  the  false  conceptions  of 
patriotism,1  the  exaggerated  notions  of  the 
greatness  and  goodness  of  one's  own  coun- 
try, the  disregard  and  contempt  for  other 
lands,  which  are  inculcated  not  only  in  the 
schools,  but  practically  in  all  the  circles  of 
society.      The  unity  of  humanity,  to  any 

1  Tolstoy  ( War  and  Peace,  and  other  writings)  holds 
that  patriotism  is  the  cause  of  most  of  the  existing  inter- 
national  evils,"and  that  these  evils  cannot  be  destroyed 
without  the  ajiolition  of  patriotism.  If  he  had  used 
the  adjectiveV^falseJ  in  connection  with  patriotism,  his  J^/i 
position  would  have  been  essentially  true.  A  patriotism" 
consistent  with  Christianity  and  the  notion  and  practice  1  {/ 
of  universal  brotherhood  is  certainly  possible. 


A</ 


$6  The  Federation  of  the  World 

great  extent,  cannot  be  attained  until  these 
false  notions  of  patriotism  cease  to  be  held 
and  taught,  and  the  true  relation  of  coun- 
try to  the  rest  of  the  world  is  properly- 
understood  and  inculcated. 

Back  of  all,  running  through  all,  and  giv- 
ing potency  to  all  these  causes  which  have 
cooperated  in  different  ways  to  make  the 
world  a  veritable  field  of  strife  and  blood, 
has  been  the  voluntary  selfishness  of  men 
and  of  peoples.  War,  with  its  multiplied 
horrors,  has  not  been  primarily  the  outcome 
of  blind  forces  helplessly  contending  with 
one  another,  but  the  result  of  self-directed 
purposes  of  beings  who  turned  the  light 
within  them  into  darkness.  Evidences 
abound  in  history  for  the  truth  of  this  posi- 
tion. There  has  always  been  moral  per- 
ception and  moral  strength  enough  in  every 
people  with  a  fairly  well  developed  civil 
and  political  organization  to  have  kept  it, 
if  it  had  "minded  its  light,"  at  least  from 
the  sin  of  aggressive  wars,  wars  for  simple 
vengeance  and  wars  for  glory.     And  these 


The  Federation  of  the  World  37 

wars  constitute  the  bulk  of  the  war  history 
of  the  past.  Of  the  moral  responsibility 
of  the  unorganized,  wandering  peoples  of 
early  historic  or  prehistoric  times  it  is  more 
difficult  to  speak.  Evidences  are  coming 
to  light  through  recent  ethnological  inves- 
tigations that  even  these  peoples  were  not 
the  mere  fighting  animals  that  they  have 
been  supposed  to  be.  The  most  primitive 
peoples  now  existing,  like  the  Eskimos, 
have,  some  of  them,  no  warlike  customs.1 

The  guilt  of  rulers  and  of  peoples  for 
their  wars  has  not  of  course  been  equally 
distributed,  for  the  moral  capacity  has  not 
been  everywhere  the  same.  In  many  cases 
single  individuals,  or  a  few  leading  spirits, 
with  commanding  powers  of  influence,  have 
been  the  guilty  cause  of  a  people's  or  a  na- 
tion's tyrannies  and  aggressions,  the  people 
following  them  blindly  and  slavishly.  In 
truth,  this  has  been  the  rule  in  all  ages  and 
among  nearly  all  peoples.  The  bloody 
annals  of  the  world  are,  for  the  most  part, 

1  Encyclopedia  Britannica,  article  "  Eskimo/' 


)8  The  Federation  of  the  World 

.  /records  of  movements  at  whose  centres 
have  been  powerful  and  unscrupulous  indi- 
viduals, or  small  grxmp&jiLmen.  You  have 
only  to  cast  over  in  your  mmcT^the  war 
history  of  any  nation,  as  of  France,  Italy, 
Austria,  Russia,  Spain,  or  even  of  Great 
Britain,  to  realize  how  much  of  it  has  been, 
not  the  history  of  the  people,  of  their  life 
and  purposes  and  struggles,  but  the  history 
of  those  military  tyrants,  ambitious  princes 
and  headstrong  statesmen  who  have  either 
enslaved  the  people  and  forced  them  to  do 
their  will,  or  blinded  them  with  false  hopes 
of  gain  or  glory,  and  so  deceived  them  into 
their  iniquitous  service.  The  people  have 
without  doubt  often  shared  the  guilt  of 
their  leaders,  but  it  is  only  in  recent  gen- 
erations, since  the  establishment  of  popular 
government,  that  they  have  had  to  bear 
the  chief  burden  of  guilt  in  the  case  of  any 
particular  war.  War  has  been  the  business 
of  sovereigns  and  their  minions,  not  of  peo- 
ples. Just  in  proportion  as  peoples  have 
become  their  own  rulers,  has  war  begun  to 
disappear. 


The  Federation  of  the  World         39 

At  bottom,  then,  to  follow  out  the 
thought,  war  has  always  been  a  sin  of  some- 
body, and  not  simply  a  misfortune,  not  a 
mere  freak  of  animalism,  not  a  necessary 
phenomenon  of  society  at  a  certain  stage 
of  development.  Whatever  other  elements 
may  have  cooperated  in  producing  it, — 
ignorance,  heredity,  false  education,  —  the 
whole  bloody  history  has  been  fundamen-  V 
tally  a  history  of  sin  and  wrong.  Without 
the  element  of  iniquitous  choice,  all  the 
other  causes  would  have  operated  much 
less  powerfully,  or  would  not  have  operated 
at  all. 


IV 


The  Development  of  the  War  System 

f|UT  of  this  evil  root  has  come  the 
war  system  of  the  nations,  which 
in  its  elaboration  of  armaments  on 
land  and  sea  has  recently  grown  to  such 
enormous  proportions  that  it  now  consti- 
tutes the  chief  burden  upon  human  society, 
the  chief  obstacle  to  its  material  and  spirit- 

£al  progress.  In  these  great  and  ever- 
lcreasing  armaments  is  found  the  largest 
nd  completest  expression  of  the  disunity 
jpf  humanity.  This  system  must  have  brief 
notice  before  we  pass  to  the  consideration 
of  those  efforts  and  influences  which  are 
working  out  the  federation  of  the  world 
and  the  ultimate  abolition  of  war. 

In  the  far  past  two  boys  or  men  came  for 
some  reason  to  hate  each  other,  and  fought 


The  Federation  of  the  World         41 

with  their  fists  and  feet ;  or  one  man  in 
hunger,  greed  or  envy  rose  up  against  an- 
other, smote  and  robbed  him,  the  latter 
defending  himself  or  afterwards  retaliating. 
Something  like  that,  among  children  or 
among  men,  was  the  beginning.1  The  whole 
war  system  was  there  in  embryo,  in  those 
two  hating,  raving,  pounding  pieces  of  hu- 
manity. Clubs  and  stones  were  soon  ap- 
propriated, in  order  to  add  to  the  offensive 
and  defensive  might  of  the  fist.  These 
made  fighting  more  complex  and  more 
dangerous.  The  two  men  multiplied  into 
families  and  clans,  which  envied,  hated 
and  pillaged  each  other ;  which  fought,  and 
fought  again.  The  primitive  aggressive- 
ness and  animosity  grew  intenser  through 
acquired  dispositions.  As  the  race  multi- 
plied, the   spirit   of   contention   and   strife 

1  The  story  of  Cain  and  Abel,  as  given  in  Genesis, 
whatever  interpretation  may  be  put  upon  it,  clearly  in- 
dicates that  in  the  minds  of  the  early  historic  men  fight- 
ing had  a  moral  and  not  merely  an  animal  origin.  Cain, 
in  the  record,  is  under  the  condemnation  of  the  con- 
science of  his  time. 


42  The  Federation  of  the  World 

deepened  and  widened.  The  stone  and  the 
club  were  supplemented  by  the  sling,  the 
spear,  the  battle-axe,  the  bow  and  arrow,  and 
the  sword.  Men  learned  to  fight  in  groups, 
at  first  as  chance  or  instinct  or  interest  im- 
pelled them.  Then,  to  increase  their  effi- 
ciency, they  began  to  fight  under  leaders 
and  with  some  sort  of  organization  and  train- 
ing. War  at  last  became  an  art  on  sea  and 
land.  More  brains  and  skill  went  into  it, 
and  at  the  same  time  more  hate  and  death 
and  woe.  War  became  also  a  profession. 
To  relieve  the  rest  of  the  people,  that  the 
nation  might  be  always  ready  for  offense 
or  defense,  soldiers  were  trained  and  kept, 
whose  business  it  was  to  fight.  Thus  grew 
up  standing  armies.  War  became  a  pas- 
time. When  there  was  no  war  at  home, 
soldiers  let  themselves  out,  or  were  let  out 
by  their  sovereigns,  to  fight  for  pay  or  to 
relieve  the  monotony  of  idleness. 

As  the  system  developed,  watchwords 
and  battle-cries  were  invented,  in  order  to 
increase  the  unity  and  to  strengthen  the 


The  Federation  of  the  World         4) 

courage  of  the  combatants.  Standards  were 
devised  and  carried  aloft  as  rallying-points, 
or  symbols  of  leaders,  clan,  or  country.  In 
order  to  relieve  fighting  of  its  hideousness 
and  to  draw  attention  away  from  its  agonies 
and  groans,  uniforms  were  put  on  and  made 
resplendent,  and  martial  music  was  brought 
into  service  on  the  parade  ground  and  on 
the  battlefield.  Systems  of  tactics  were 
thought  out  —  everything,  in  fact,  which 
intellect,  sharpened  and  perverted  by  lust 
and  hatred  could  do,  was  done,  that  men 
might  be  induced  to  go  out  with  spirit  and 
daring,  with  fury  and  recklessness,  with 
skill  and  endurance,  to  beat  down  and  de- 
stroy such  of  their  fellow-men  as  might 
chance  to  be  called  their  enemies.  Victories 
were  celebrated  with  noisy  rejoicings,  with 
sacrifices  to  the  deities,  with  Te  Deums  to 
the  God  of  mercy  and  love,  whom  men  had 
turned  into  a  being  of  hate  and  favoritism 
like  themselves.  Men  of  daring  and  bold 
deeds  of  blood  were  honored  in  song  and 
story,  were  crowned  and  lionized  beyond  all 


44  The  Federation  of  the  World 

others.  Thus  war  became  in  men's  eyes 
the  most  glorious  of  callings,  the  pathway 
to  honor  and  fame,  and  they  blinded  them- 
selves to  its  horrors  and  its  crimes.  Pride 
and  vanity  united  with  lust,  greed  and 
revenge,  to  clothe  the  bloody  monster  in 
the  trappings  of  heaven.  God  became  the 
god  of  armies,  a  regular  blood-wading  Mars, 
appealed  to  by  all  combatants  to  give  his 
favor  to  their  side.  The  battlefield  grew  in 
honor  as  the  chief  school  of  the  so-called 
manly  virtues.  Women  became  possessed 
of  the  spirit  of  war,  and  nursed  their  boys 
at  the  breast  of  aggression  and  revenge,  of 
pride  and  pomp  and  glory,  and  took  only 
soldiers,  if  they  could  get  them,  as  husbands 
for  their  daughters. 

As  the  war  system 1  developed  and  made 
all  peoples  its  slaves,  every  discovery  of 
science,  every  invention  adding  to  human 

*"  Charles  Sumner,  The  True  Grandeur  of  Nations 
and  The  War*  System  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Nations, 
Rev.  Reuen  Thomas,  D.  D.,  The  War  System,  its  His- 
tory-,  Tendency  and  Character  in  the  Light  of  Civiliza- 
tion and  Religion. 


The  Federation  of  the  World  45 

power,  was  immediately  turned  into  an 
instrument  of  conquest,  of  revenge,  of  de- 
struction and  death.  Sovereigns  and  peo- 
ples, in  this  emulation  of  brute  force  as 
the  instrument  of  passion,  greed  and  vio- 
lence, failing  to  find  sufficient  mercenary 
or  voluntary  force  to  outdo  their  neigh- 
bors, resorted  to  forced  levies  and  con- 
scriptions, and,  to  meet  the  ever-growing 
demands  for  money,  adopted  the  ruinous 
and  irrational  expedient  of  war  loans,  and 
took  to  mortgaging  the  future.  Business 
of  every  kind,  home  life,  civic  interests, 
education,  religion  even,  had  to  fall  down 
helpless  at  the  feet  of  the  war-god.  Differ- 
ences, small  and  great,  between  sovereigns 
were  submitted  to  the  blind  and  senseless 
arbitrament  of  the  sword.  Might  became 
right,  and  justice  between  peoples  wandered 
outcast  and  homeless.  Honor  and  patriot- 
ism —  the  former  merely  a  euphemism  for 
excessive  and  irritable  self-esteem  personal 
and  national,  the  latter  a  blind  worship  of 
self  under  the  impersonal  guise  of  country 
■ —  became  the  criteria  of  duty. 


46  The  Federation  of  the  World 

In  all  these  ways  the  barbarous  war  sys- 
tem has.  grown  and  grown  until  it  stands 
to-day,  in  appalling  magnitude,  fortified 
to  heaven  in  the  very  heart  of  civilization. 
There  is  no  tyranny l  of  our  time  like  that 
which  it  exercises ;  no  blinding  of  con- 
science and  paralysis  of  will  greater  than 
that  which  it  produces.  Year  after  year 
the  armies  grow  and  the  fleets  expand. 
Year  after  year  the  war  debts  rise  and  the 
screw  of  taxation  is  turned  mercilessly  down 
another  thread.  Science  is  incessantly  tor- 
tured in  the  hope  of  wringing  from  her  some 
new  death-dealing  instrument,  which  will 
give  one  nation  advantage  over  others.  It 
is  a  race  of  death,  spurred  on  by  fear  and 
envy,  in  which  every  nation  seems  deter- 
mined to  outstrip  others  even  at  the  expense 
of  plunging  headlong  into  the  bottomless 
pit  of  exhaustion  and  ruin.  Over  four 
millions  of  soldiers  under  arms ;  seventeen 

1  Gladstone  said,  in  a  letter  to  a  committee  of  the 
Friends  in  Lancashire,  April  16,  1889:  "Militarism  is 
the  most  conspicuous  tyrant  of  the  age." 


\. 


U  hi  i  V  E  RS  i 

.   J 


c 

The  Federation  of  the  World  47 

or  eighteen  millions  more  trained  in  the  last 
tactics  of  death ;  a  conscriptive  system  hold- 
ing all  Europe  in  the  grasp  of  its  enslaving 
hand,  turning  every  able-bodied  man  into  a 
fighting  machine,  and  effacing,  for  a  portion 
of  every  citizen's  life,  the  last  vestige  of  lib- 
erty of  conscience ;  young  men  by  millions 
taken  from  home,  from  education,  from 
business,  and  passed  through  the  harden- 
ing, demoralizing  influences  of  camp  and 
barracks,  thus  polluting  at  its  very  sources 
the  life  of  the  next  generation ;  a  thousand 
war  vessels  prowling  about  the  seas ;  one 
third  of  the  annual  revenues  spent  on  pre- 
parations for  war,  and  another  third  on  wars  1 
already  fought ;  national  debts  grown  to 
frightful  proportions  (thirty  thousand  mil- 
lions of  dollars  in  the  aggregate),  and  still 
growing ;  new  implements  of  death  —  maga- 
zine guns,  rapid-fire  guns,  dynamite  guns  — 
daily  turned  out,  new  warships  launched, 
new  fortifications  erected  and  manned ;  the 
nations  in  perpetual  jealousy,  hatred  and 
fear,  bound  hand  and  foot  by  suspicion,  un- 


c/ 


48  The  Federation  of  the  World 

able  to  unite  in  the  simplest  deeds  of  right 
/and  justice,  —  such  is  the  amazing  phenom- 
/  enon   presented   by  so-called  Christendom 
\  to-day  I1     Talk  of  federation,  under  these 
circumstances,  would  seem,  at  first  thought, 
to  be  fitting  only  for  an  asylum  for  the  hope- 
lessly insane. 

The  wax  system  has  so  far  resisted  every 
effort  to  check  its  growth.  In  fact,  no  di- 
rect effort  to  check  it  has  ever  been  made 
x^  until  recently,  and  almost  none  by  the  gov- 
ernments themselves.  On  the  contrary, 
they  have  zealously  and  systematically  pro- 
moted it,  and  the  people  have  remained  so 
blinded  by  its  terrible  magnificence,  and  so 
bewildered  by  its  antiquity  and  supposed 
necessity,  that  they  have  weakly  and  fawn- 
ingly  thrown  themselves  under  its  Jugger- 
naut wheels  and  allowed  themselves  to  be 
crushed  by  millions.     Of  late  years,  the 

1  The  annual  editions  of  the  Statesman's  Year-Book, 
Hazell's  Annual  and  Mulhall's  Dictionary  of  Statistics 
may  be  consulted  for  the  figures  of  the  growth  of  mili- 
tarism in  recent  years. 


The  Federation  of  the  World         49 

heads   of  the   governments,  at  Christmas 
time,  have  indulged  in  pious  effusions  about 
peace,  but  at  the  same  time  they  have  care- 
fully filled  their  powder  magazines  a  little 
fuller,   recommended    the   construction   of 
new  battleships,  and  added  new  regiments 
to  their  armies.    The  war  system  is  steadily    J 
spreading  its  baleful  influences  throughout 
the  world.1    The  nations  of  the  Orient,  just--' 
emerging  from  their  former  errors  and  su- 
perstitions, are,  under  the  influence  of  the 
Western  nations,  turning  their  thought  and 
their  revenues  to   the  creation   of   armies 
and  fleets  rather  than  to  the  development 
of  the  arts  of  civil  life.     This  is  particu- 
larly true  of  Japan,  the  progressive  nation^ 
of  the  East,  which,  since  the  close  of  her  \ 
war  with  China,  has  surprised  and  fright-  1 
ened  the  Western  nations  by  the  magnitude  / 
and  rapidity  of  her  naval  extension.     Our 
own  country,  abandoning  its  historic  policy, 

1  In  his  recently  published  book,  The  Wonderful 
Centuryt  chap,  xix.,  Alfred  Russel  Wallace  character- 
izes militarism  as  "  the  curse  of  civilization." 


jo         The  Federation  of  the  World 

is  now  in  the  full  tide  of  naval  construc- 
tion, in  time  of  peace,  and  is  beginning,  only 
half  consciously  as  yet,  but  none  the  less 
really,  to  vie  with  the  nations  of  Europe 
for  naval  supremacy. 

There  are  people  enough  who  think 
that  this  emulous  expansion  of  militarism 
is  all  wrong;  private  citizens  and  public 
men  enough  who  deplore  the  existence  of 
"bloated  armaments  "  and  the  crushing 
burden  of  war  taxes ;  friends  of  peace 
enough  in  all  countries  who  condemn  as 
iniquitous  the  whole  system  in  general; 
governments  enough  which  upbraid  all 
other  governments  for  going  forward  a 
single  step  in  the  mad  race  toward  what 
all  see  will  be  irretrievable  ruin.  But  here 
the  protest,  for  the  most  part,  stops.  All 
is  wrong  in  general,  but  everybody  in  par- 
ticular is  right  —  in  his  own  eyes.  There 
is  scarcely  a  man  to  say  that  his  country 
ought  at  once  to  withdraw  from  the  wicked 
rivalry.  There  are  probably  not  a  hundred 
\S    influential  men  in  the  United  States  who 


The  Federation  of  the  World  51 

will  declare  unequivocally  that  our  ownx 
country  ought  not  to  build  another  war- 
ship; that  to  continue  the  building  up  ov 
our  navy  is  both  perilous  and  unworthy 
of  our  national  character.  There  are  few 
public  men  at  Washington,  so  far  as  I 
know,  who  will  dare  to  say  this,  or  even 
venture  to  think  it  In  the  House  of  Com- 
mons in  1896,  where  three  years  before 
a  unanimous  vote  in  favor  of  arbitration 
had  been  given,1  the  friends  of  military 
retrenchment  were  able  to  muster  barely 
thirty  votes  against  an  increase  in  the 
naval  budget,  and  their  effort  found  little 
apparent  sympathy  in  the  nation  at  large. 
On  the  European  continent,  except  possi- 
bly in  Italy,  any  public  man  in  one  of  the 
great  powers  would  be  instantly  and  almost 
universally  declared  a  traitor,  who  dared  to 
hint  that  his  country  should  stop  trying  to 

1  The  Cremer  resolution,  favoring  a  treaty  of  arbitra- 
tion with  the  United  States,  was  passed  by  the  House 
of  Commons,  without  a  division,  on  the  16th  of  June, 
1893- 


52  The  Federation  of  the  World 

keep  pace  with  other  countries  in  military 
extension  and  begin  single-handed  the  work 
of  disarmament.  The  plea  of  necessity  — 
the  sinner's  favorite  plea  —  is  everywhere 
made  :  Others  do  so ;  therefore  we  must  do 
so  until  they  do  otherwise.  So  the  bar- 
barous system  continues  its  tyrannous  hold 
upon  the  nations.  The  cup  of  its  iniquity 
is  not  yet  full,  it  seems. 

How  is  this  gigantic,  growing  evil  to  be 
arrested  and  gotten  out  of  the  way  ?  Fed- 
eration and  peace  cannot  make  much  visi- 
ble progress  while  the  governments,  with 
the  consent  and  encouragement  of  the  peo- 
ple, make  it  their  chief  business  to  cultivate 
the  arts  of  estrangement  and  war.  The 
largest  and  most  serious  question  which 
can  be  asked  to-day  is,  How  much  farther 
is  the  militarism  of  the  civilized  world  to 
go  ?  Is  the  United  States  so  to  fall  under 
its  dominion  as  to  build  up  a  great  fleet  of 
five  hundred  war  vessels,  make  all  its  sea- 
board cities  like  mediaeval  castles,  and  mili- 
tarize  its   people   by   a   system   of  forced 


The  Federation  of  the  World  53 

instruction  in  the  tactics  of  war  ?  Are 
China  and  Japan  to  climb  to  the  war-l^vel 
—  perhaps  it  would  be  more  true  to  say 
descend  to  the  war-level  —  of  England, 
France,  Germany  and  Russia  ?  Are  the 
nations  of  South  and  of  Central  America, 
and  those  just  beginning  to  bud  on  the 
Dark  Continent,  to  follow  in  the  same  path, 
until  the  "armed  camp"  of  Europe  be- 
comes, fifty  years  hence,  the  armed  camp 
of  the  world  ? 

There  is  no  end  to  the  questions  to 
which  the  dreadful  situation  gives  rise.  Is 
all  this  militarism  to  continue  developing 
until  the  nations  become  so  virtuous  as  all 
at  once  to  join  in  simultaneous  and  com- 
plete or  gradual  disarmament  ?  Or  until 
the  tension  becomes  so  great  as  to  result 
in  a  frightful  cataclysm  which  will  over- 
whelm the  world?  Or  until  the  financial 
burden  grows  so  heavy  as  to  force  the  gov- 
ernments to  stop  from  sheer  exhaustion,  or 
the  people  to  rise  up  in  revolt  against  the 
crushing  slavery  and  demand  a  new  order 


54  The  Federation  of  the  World 

of  administration  ?  Is  disarmament,  com- 
mencing, nobody  knows  how,  as  the  result 
of  the  gradual  prevalence  of  pacific  methods 
of  settling  international  disputes,  to  come 
about  by  a  process  of  gradual  decay  ?  Or 
is  some_nation,  under  the  inspiration  of 
great  Christian  ideas,  aroused  by  some 
grand  God -sent  man  or  men,  or  pushed 
forward  by  a  deep  spirit  of  right  moving 
in  its  masses,  to  take  the  initiative,  begin 
disarmament  alone,  throwing  itself  for  pro- 
tection on  God  and  the  manhood  of  the 
world,  and  thus  on  the  high  ground  of  love 
and  duty  lead  the  nations  to  "beat  their 
swords  into  ploughshares  and  their  spears 
into  pruning-hooks  "  ? 

All  these  are  serious  questions.  No 
thoughtful  mind  can  face  the  dreadful  re- 
ality of  the  growing  tyranny  of  militarism, 
as  it  now  exists,  without  asking  some  or  all 
of  them.  Which  of  them,  how  many  of 
them,  shall  be  answered  in  the  affirmative  ? 
Perhaps  we  shall  be  better  able,  so  far  as 
able  at  all,  to  choose  among  them  and  find 


The  Federation  of  the  World  55 

answers  which  shall  have  at  least  a  working 
value,  after  we  have  examined  the  origin 
and  growth  of  the  international  peace  move- 


ment, —  a  movement  which  has  already  be- 
come so  strong  as  to  put  thejvar  system/ 
considerably  on  the  defensive,  which  betoJ 
kens  its  ultimate  if  not  speedy  overthrow 
and  the  final  enthronement  in  the  world  of 
universal  and  permanent  cooperation  and 
peace. 

Note.  The  situation  in  respect  to  the  growth  of  ar- 
maments has  remained  to  the  present  time  (1907)  much 
as  it  was  when  this  chapter  was  first  published,  eight 
years  ago.  Naval  development  particularly  has  gone  on 
with  even  accelerated  speed.  The  naval  expenses  of 
both  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  have  more 
than  doubled  in  that  time.  Germany,  France,  and  Japan 
have  been  only  a  little  behind.  But  there  has  ^recently 
appeared,  among  public  men  in  several  countries,  a  re- 
markable change  of  attitude  on  the  subject  of  armaments, 
the  nature  and  extent  of  which  will  be  set  forth  in  the 
final  chapter  of  this  book. 


9 


The  Influence  of  Christianity  in  restoring  the 
Federative  Principle 


j|HE  whole  movement  for  the  aboli- 
tion of  war,  for  the  establishment 
of  peaceful  relations  between  men, 
and  for  the  ultimate  federation  of  all  the 
interests  of  human  society,  began  with  the 
\y  appearance  of  Christianity.  The  movement 
has,  of  course,  a  natural  basis  in  the  con- 
stitution of  humanity,  as  heretofore  stated. 
There  are  many  natural  forces  at  work  in 
it,  and  these  are  becoming  more  powerful 
every  year  ;  but  their  activity  and  efficiency 
are  due,  for  the  most  part,  to  the  quicken- 
ing and  liberating  influence  which  Chris- 
tianity has  had  upon  them.  Prior  to  the 
advent  of  Christ  the  elements  of  division 
and  disintegration,  heretofore  described, 
rendered   the  natural  peace  forces   nearly 


The  Federation  of  the  World  57 

powerless,  and  outside  of  the  circle  of  his 
influence  they  still  hold  practically  undis- 
puted mastery.  Whatever  gains  were  made 
at  particular  times  and  places  in  the  way 
of  concord  were  soon  lost  in  the  general 
chaos  of  greed,  hate,  violence  and  disorder. 
The  influence  of  Christianity  in  setting 
free  the  peace  forces  of  human  nature 
and  human  society,  and  starting  them  into 
activity,  has  been  slow  and  not  very  uni- 
form ;  but  it  has  been  incessant  and  sure, 
and  some  of  the  first  ripe  fruit  of  it  is  just 
now  being  gathered. 

This  influence  has  been  exerted  through 
a  Person,  a  Book  and  a  Society.  The 
Founder  of  Christianity  was  a  perfect  peac 
maker.  He  was  not  directly  an  anti-war 
prince.  He  said  and  did  little  directly 
about  the  practice  of  war  as  it  existed 
everywhere  about  him.  He  seems  to  have 
ignored  it.  His  work  was  positive  and  con- 
structive. He  was  the  Prince  of  Peace, 
unarmed  and  incapable  of  bearing  the  arms 
of  worldly  warfare.     All  the  forces  which 


58  The  Federation  of  the  World 

make  for  peace  were  always  active  in  him ; 
those  which  produce  war  found  no  place  in 
his  being.  His  speech  and  conduct  reveal 
no  traces  of  them.  The  sword  which  he 
came  to  send  *  was  the  sword  of  truth  and 
love,  which  was  to  be  drawn  against  all  the 
institutions  of  selfish  hate,  in  the  family,  in 
the  state  and  in  the  world.  The  strife  that 
he  set  going  was  that  in  which  men  con- 
quer by  patient  loyalty  to  truth  and  by 
cheerfully  allowing  themselves  to  be  killed 
for  its  sake ;  not  that  in  which  men  draw 
the  steel  blade  of  violence  to  spill  each 
other's  blood. 

Jesus  Christ  loved  men.  That  was  his 
life,  his  supreme  motive,  his  only  passion. 
He  went  about  doing  them  good,  in  spirit 
and  in  body.  There  was  nothing  he  would 
not  do  to  help  men  ;  but  he  never  did  harm 
to  any  one.  He  lifted  not  a  finger  of  vio- 
lence in  self-defense  or  in  defense  of  others. 
It  is  impossible  to  conceive  of  him  as  hav- 
mg  armed  himself  against  his  fellow-men 
1  Matthew  x.  34.     Compare  Luke  xii.  49  ff. 


The  Federation  of  the  World  59 

for  any  purpose  whatever,  or  to  have  smit- 
ten one  in  the  interests  of  another.  If  he 
used  Wee  at  all,  it  stopped  short  of  being 
hurtful.1  Fearless,  faithful  to  truth,  un- 
masking unreality,  but  tender,  patient,  for- 
giving, harmless,  loving  and  helpful  even 

1  Dr.  Lyman  Abbott,  in  Christianity  and  Social  Pro- 
blems, chap,  ix.,  adduces  Christ's  example  in  the  purifica- 
tion of  the  temple,  and  in  the  garden  when  the  soldiers 
of  the  guard  fell  backward  to  the  ground,  as  a  proof 
that  Jesus  approved  of  the  deadly  use  of  force  in  the 
defense  of  others.  At  least,  that  appears  to  be  his  con- 
clusion, though  he  does  not  say  it  in  so  many  words. 
It  is  difficult  to  see  how  the  power  which  Jesus  exercised 
on  those  two  occasions  is  to  be  classed  as  physical  force, 
as  we  use  the  term.  It  was  certainly  not  the  whip  of 
small  (straw)  cords  which  induced  any  one  to  leave 
the  temple.  If  an  argument  for  the  use  of  force  in  a 
punitive  way  is  to  be  based  on  these  incidents,  then 
Christ's  restraint  in  its  employment  on  both  occasions 
would  certainly  go  to  show  that  he  meant  that  its  use 
should  always  stop  short  of  being  deadly  or  really  harm- 
ful. If  "  love  may  use  force,"  as  Dr.  Abbott  contends, 
it  must  use  it  in  such  a  way  as  to  manifest  itself  as 
"  love  "  towards  both  the  parties  with  whom  it  is  deal- 
ing, and  not  towards  one  alone.  The  whip  of  small 
cords,  according  to  recent  translations,  was  used  only  to 
drive  out  the  animals. 


60  The  Federation  of  the  World 

unto  death,  he  gave  himself  in  total  sacri- 
fice, seeking  nothing  in  return,  that  he 
might  create  in  men  a  spirit  like  his  own, 
and  thus  unite  them  to  God,  and  to  one 
another  in  a  kingdom  of  love  and  mutual 
beneficence.  This  great  loving,  peace-mak- 
ing Person,  through  the  record  left  of  him, 
has  been  speaking  and  acting  in  all  the 
generations  since,  as  no  other  person  has 
done,  as  all  other  persons  combined  have 
not  done.  Thought  and  speech  for  nineteen 
centuries  have  been  unable  to  get  away 
from  him ;  they  are  less  able  to  get  away 
from  him  to-day  than  ever  before.  His 
character  and  example,  wherever  known, 
have  appealed  powerfully  to  men's  spirits 
and  tended  to  create,  and  actually  created 
in  greater  or  less  degree,  lives  and  disposi- 
tions like  his  own.  Who  can  estimate  the 
cumulative  power  of  such  a  personality  on 
individuals,  on  society,  on  institutions  ? 

As  with  the  Person,  so  with  the  Book. 
The   New  Testament1    is    the    Book    of 

1  The  New  Testament,  not  the  Bible  as  a  whole,  is 


The  Federation  of  the  World  61 

Peace.  It  says  little  about  war  as  an  insti- 
tution. But  the  spirit  of  selfishness,  envy, 
hate,  retaliation  and  vengeance,  out  of 
which  war  springs,  is  everywhere  repro- 
bated on  its  pages.  It  exalts  love  to  the 
supremest  place  among  the  virtues.  It 
makes  goodwill  the  heart  of  righteousness. 
Its  great  thesis  is  the  Fatherhood  and  love 
of  God  manifested  in  a  practical  way  in 
Jesus  Christ.  Love  to  God  and  love  to 
man,  self-sacrifice  for  others,  forgiveness  of 
injuries,  non-resistance  of  evil  with  evil, 
overcoming  evil  with  good,  brotherly  fel- 
lowship and  peace,  are  the  foremost  of  its 
practical  teachings.  On  these  it  always  in- 
sists ;  the  opposites  of  these  it  always  con- 
demns. The  New  Testament  is  to-day,  un- 
important particulars  aside,  the  same  book 
as  when  in  collected  form  it  was  first  read 
to  the  churches  in  the   second  and  third 

the  final  standard  as  to  Christian  teaching  on  this  sub- 
ject. Those  who  appeal  to  the  Old  Testament  to  sup- 
port war  abandon  Christian  grounds.  See  Matthew  v. 
38  ff. 


62  The  Federation  of  the  World 

centuries.  It  has  been  the  same  in  every 
period  of  Christian  history.  Men  have 
turned  its  God  and  Saviour  into  curious 
likenesses  of  themselves,  misinterpreted  its 
doctrines,  made  strange  travesties  of  its 
practical  teachings,  or  omitted  entirely  the 
most  essential  of  them.  But  in  spite  of 
these  perversions  and  misinterptetations, 
its  pages  of  love,  goodwill  and  peace,  ever 
the  same,  read  and  re-read  century  after 
century,  have  spoken  in  their  natural  sim- 
plicity direct  to  multitudes  of  hearts.  It 
has  been  better  than  the  best  of  its  inter- 
preters, and  good  in  spite  of  the  worst.  It 
has  thus  gradually  turned  men's  ideas  into 
new  lines,  and  given  the  world  an  increas- 
ingly clear  conception  of  the  true  law  of 
individual  and  social  life,  of  the  true  rela- 
tions of  the  societies  of  men,  as  well  as  of 
individuals,  one  to  another. 

These  great  principles  of  goodwill,  mu- 
tual service  and  peace,  taught  by  Christ, 
transmitted  in  the  New  Testament,  and 
operating,   now   strongly,   now    feebly,   in 


The  Federation  of  the  World         6) 

the  society  which  he  formed,  have  gradu- 
ally permeated  the  life  of  peoples  and 
nations,  and  transformed  their  habits  of 
thought,  their  morals,  customs,  laws  and 
political  institutions.1  The  GhristiaaJiQci- 
ety,  speaking  of  it  in  the  large,  though 
often  far  from  ideal,  and  frequently  in  parts 
of  it  Christian  in  almost  nothing  but  name, 
has  been  instrumental  in  working  out  the 
conditions  of  universal  and  lasting  federa- 
tion and  peace  chiefly  through  the  new  and 
profounder  idea,  and  the  better  example,  of 
kinship  which  it  has  presented.  The  kin- 
ship lying  at  the  basis  of  Christian  civiliza- 
tion, as  its  creative  principle,  is  not  the 
kinship  of  the  family ,  under  earthly  parent- 
hood, but  the  kinship  of  man,  in  the  Father- 
hood of  God.2  The  kinship  of  the  family, 
unless  regenerated  and  directed  by  some- 
thing beyond  itself,  tends  naturally  to  ex- 
clusiveness,  clannishness  and  social  divi- 
sion.  At  best,  the  range  of  its  cultivation  of 

1  Charles  Loring  Brace,  Gesta  Christi. 

2  Benjamin  Kidd,  Social  Evolution,  chap.  vii. 


64  The  Federation  of  the  World 

the  social  affections  is  narrow.  The  kin- 
ship of  man  in  the  Fatherhood  of  God, 
when  truly  realized,  tends  naturally  to  uni- 
versal fellowship,  to  social  union,  and  thus 
to  liberty  and  equal  rights.  It  recognizes 
/"""ho  distinction  of  highborn  and  lowborn.  It 
declares  every  man  the  brother  of  evefry 
other  man.  It  ignores  all  lines  of  descent 
and  all  boundaries  of  nationality.  It  drives 
out  hate  and  strips  off  the  weapons  with 
which  selfishness  had  armed  itself.  It  puts 
on  a  whole  armor  of  goodwill  and  loving 
service. 

This  great  Christian  principle  of  the 
\Zaivine  kinship  of  men  has  gone  with,  or 
rather  carried,  th^jChristian  Society  into 
all  the  world,  across  all  national  boundaries, 
over  all  the  barriers  created  by  caste.  It 
has  worked  slowly  and  irregularly,  it  is 
true,  and  against  great  obstacles  from  within 
the  Society  and  from  without,  but  its  influ- 
ence on  the  whole  has  been  enormous.  It 
has  caused  multitudes  of  men  in  every  age 
since  the  time  of  Christ  to  live  together  in 


The  Federation  of  the  World         65 

mutual  helpfulness  and  peace,  and  often  to 
settle  their  disputes,  if  any  arose,  by  refer- 
ring them  to  the  impartial  judgment  of 
their  friends.1  It  has  created  a  new  sense 
of  human  worth  and  human  dignity.  It 
has  undermined  tyranny  and  slavery,  not 
wholly  yet,  but  in  a  very  marked  degree. 
It  has  developed  democracy  in  government. 
It  has  set  free  the  impulses  to  travel  and 
to  trade,  and  thus  created  the  world-wide 
commercial  interchanges  of  our  day,  —  a  sys- 
tem as  absolutely  dependent  on  brotherly 
cooperation  and  trust,  for  its  normal  growth 
and  development,  as  religion  itself.  It  has 
changed  the  whole  notion  of  nationality 
from  its  former  meaning  of  an  enforced 
union  under  kingly  authority,  and  has  re- 
built it,  or  is  fast  rebuilding  it,  upon  the 
principles  of  mutual  interest  and  the  con- 
sent of  the  governed.  It  has  led  gradu-  V 
ally  to  the  general  substitution  of  law  for  1  ^/ 
violence  in  the  adjustment  of  personal  \ 
misunderstandings   within   national   limits. 

1  Gesta  Christi,  chaps,  viii.,  xii.,  xiii.,  xiv.,  xxvii.      / 


66  The  Federation  of  the  World 

It  has  created  a  system  of  international 
law,  and  is  slowly  improving  it.  Liberty, 
equality,  fraternity,  whose  names  the 
French  revolutionists  wrote  with  such  ter- 
rible emphasis  on  the  facades  of  all  the 
public  buildings  of  Paris,  are  great  concep- 
tions, —  Christian,  human.  But  fraternity 
is  first,  not  last.  Brotherhood  is  the  ground 
u^principle  of  all  our  Christian  civilization. 
Without  the  sense  of  brotherhood  love 
would  be  impossible,  and  without  this,  ex- 
pressing itself  in  manifold  practical  forms, 
the  whole  structure  of  our  modern  social 
organism,  weak  enough  as  it  is,  would  col- 
lapse into  the  ancient  discord,  and  war, 
which  is  the  outward  expression  of  selfish- 
ess  and  hate,  would  be  eternal. 
It  is  needless  to  say  that  this  principle 
of  the  divine  kinship  of  men,  set  forth  and 
exemplified  by  Christ,  taught  with  such  di- 
rectness and  force  in  the  New  Testament, 
and  operative  with  growing  power,  through 
the  Christian  Society,  in  the  reconstruction 
of  all  human  institutions,  is  the  root  fro™ 


The  Federation  of  the  World         6y 

wjiich Jias  JU^ungL  the-jnodern  peace,  move-— 
merits-—  the  movement  for  the  abolition  oK 
war,  and   for  the   federation   and  friendly  ) 
cooperation  of  all  the  nations  of  the  earth./ 


VI 


War  Ethically  Wrong 

HE  movement  for  the  abolition  of 
war,  as  a  distinctive  phase  of 
humane  reform,  has  two  main 
grounds.  One  of  these  is  the  conception 
that  war  per  se  is  always  ethically  wrong ; 
the  other,  that  it  is  anti-federative,  or  anti- 
social, and  therefore  opposed  to  all  the 
great  interests  of  human  society.  Accord- 
ing to  the  first  of  these  conceptions,  war  is 
condemned  because  it  violates  not  only  the 
great  law  of  love  set  forth  by  the  Founder 
of  Christianity,  but  as  well  every  principle 
of  the  moral  law;  because  it  settles  no 
question  on  the  basis  of  right ;  because  it 
is  a  system  having  no  element  of  humanity 
in  it ;  because  it  originates  in  and  is  sup- 
ported by  selfishness,  hate  and  revenge  ; 
because  its  deeds  are  always  wicked  and 


The  Federation  of  the  World         69 

inhuman  ;  because  it  calls  out  all  the  baser 
passions,  is  prolific  of  vice  and  crime  and 
produces  general  social  demoralization. 
From  this  point  of  view,  war  is  held  always 
to  be  unlawful  as  a  means  either  of  pro- 
moting good  or  of  defense  against  evil,  a 
wicked  and  inhuman  instrument,  which  no 
group  of  enlightened  human  beings  can 
ever  innocently  use  against  another.  This 
view  does  not  maintain  that  no  good  result 
tias  ever  come  from  any  war ;  it  does  main- 
tain that  a  good  end  does  not  justify  the 
use  of  an  essentially  evil  means,  even 
though  the  desired  end  may  be  reached 
thereby,  but  that  the  result  should  be 
brought  about  by  a  different  means.  The 
view  likewise  does  not  maintain  that  war 
has  never  been  relatively  right  for  some 
peoples  in  some  ages  of  the  world ;  it  does 
maintain  that,  in  the  nature  of  things,  from 
the  constitution  of  men  and  their  relations 
to  God  and  to  one  another,  it  is  funda- 
mentally and  everlastingly  wrong,  and  that 
those  who  have  come  to  a  knowledge  of  its 


fo  The  Federation  of  the  World 

intrinsic  character  can  never  have  anything 
to  do  with  it,  and  are  under  the  supremest 
obligation  not  only  to  abstain  from  all  war 
themselves,  but  to  do  all  in  their  power  to 
bring  others  to  see  it  in  the  same  light  2nd 

,     treat  it  in  the  same  way.1 

s^  Historically,  the  peace  movement,  in  its 
modern  organized  form,  originated  in  this 

I  conception.  The  conception  is  as  old  as 
Christianity,  and  operated  in  the  general 
work  of  Christianization  long  before  any 
distinctive  peace  movement  was  thought 
of.  No  sooner  had  Christian  men  looked 
at  the  system  of  war  from  the  standpoint 
of  the  character,  example  and  teachings  of 
Jesus  and  of  the  whole  spirit  of  the  gospel, 

1  For  an  exposition  of  this  view,  consult  the  Essays  on 
Morality ',  by  Jonathan  Dymond ;  the  Manual  of  Peace, 
by  Thomas  C.  Upham  ;  The  Early  Christians  and  War, 
by  Thomas  Clarkson  ;  Observations  on  the  Distinguish- 
ing Views  and  Practices  of  the  Friends  (chap,  xii.),  by 
J.  J.  Gurney ;  the  Speeches  and  Addresses  of  John 
Bright;  Defensive  War,  by  Henry  Richard.  Consult 
also  the  writings  of  Count  Leo  Tolstoy,  who  is  the 
most  distinguished  living  advocate  of  the  principle  of 
the  entire  unlawfulness  of  war. 


The  Federation  of  the  World         7/ 

than  the  utter  incompatibility  of  the  two  at 
once  dawned  on  them.  This  was  the  con- 
ception and  practice  of  the  early  Christians, 
as  a  whole,  for  more  than  a  hundred  years.1 
It  was  the  conception  of  many  of  the  lead- 
ing exponents  of  Christianity  during  the 
second  and  third  centuries,  before  the  great 
apostasy  set  heavily  in.  Later,  it  was  the 
conception  of  Wyclif,2  the  first  light  of  the 
Reformation  and  of  a  restored  primitive 
Christianity.  It  was  the  conception,  in  the 
seventeenth  century,  of  George  Fox 3  and 
William  Penn,  in  whom  and  in  the  society 
formed  by  whom  the  Reformation  found 
for  a  brief  period  its  fullest  ideal  expres- 
sion. 

When  the  peace  movement  entered  upon 
its  organized  existence  in  the  early  part  of 
last  century,  as  a  definite  effort  to  do  away 
with  war,  this  conception  lay  at  the  bottom 

1  J.  Bevan   Braithwaite,    The  Early    Christians  and 
War,  in  London  Peace  Congress  Report. 

2  Robert  Vaughan,  Life  of  Wyclif  vol.  ii.  chap.  vii. 
8  Journal,  in  various  passages. 


J2  The  Federation  of  the  World 

of  the  undertaking.1  The  early  peace 
societies  organized  in  this  country  from 
1815  to  1828  were  founded,  every  one  of 
them,  by  men  whose  minds  and  consciences 
had  gone  to  the  bottom  of  the  iniquity  of 
war  and  discarded  it  in  every  shape.2  The 
London  Peace  Society,  founded  in  18 16, 
had  the  same  basis.  For  fifty  years  the 
chief  supporters  of  the  propaganda  were, 
not  wholly  but  mostly,  "  peace-at-any-price  " 
men,  as  they  have  been  contemptuously 
but  falsely  called.  William  Allen,  Thomas 
Clarkson,  Jonathan  Dymond,  Joseph  John 
Gurney,  Richard  Cobden,  Joseph  Sturge, 
John  Bright,  Henry  Richard,  and  their 
faithful  co-workers  in  Parliament  and  out 
of  it;  Noah  Worcester,  whose  "Solemn 
Review  "  aroused  the  churches  of  two  na- 
tions ;  William  Ladd,  the  matchless  Apostle 

1  David  L.  Dodge,  The  Mediator's  Kingdom  not  of 
This  World.     Noah  Worcester,  Solemn  Review. 

2  For  an  account  of  the  organization  of  the  first  peace 
societies,  see  papers  by  Dr.  W.  Evans  Darby,  W.  C. 
Braithwaite,  Esq.,  and  Benjamin  F.  Trueblood,  in  the 
Report  of  the  Chicago  Peace  Congress  of  1893. 


The  Federation  of  the  World  73 

of  Peace  and  first  general  organizer  of  the 
work,1  whose  treatise  on  "  A  Congress  and 
Court  of  Nations,"  sixty  years  ago,  left  little 
to  be  said  on  the  subject ;  Adin  Ballou,2 
the  distinguished  founder  of  this  lecture- 
ship, for  many  years  president  of  the  New 
England  Non-Resistant  Society;  Thomas 
C.  Upham,3  William  Lloyd  Garrison,4  John 
G.  Whittier,5  Elihu  Burritt,6  —  all  these 
were  men  who  believed  war  to  be  essen- 
tially sinful  and  never  justifiable,  a  vast 
system  of  iniquity  to  be  dug  up  by  the 
roots  and  cast  out  of  human  society.  These 
were  the  great  prophets  to  whom  the  word 
of  the  Lord  came  in  the  wilderness,  whose 
inspired  utterances  aroused  the  sleeping 
conscience  of  the  world.    Others,  of  course, 

1  See  Memoir  of  William  Ladd,  the  Apostle  of  Peace, 
by  John  Hemmenway. 

2  Consult  the  Autobiography  of  Adin  Ballou,  edited 
by  William  S.  Heywood. 

8  The  Manual  of  Peace. 

*  Consult  the  Life  of  Garrison,  by  his  Sons. 

6  See  various  poems  on  Peace  and  Disarmament. 

6  Life  and  Labors  of  Elihu  Burritt. 


J4  The  Federation  of  the  World 

who  did  not  take  this  radical  view,  for 
example,  Dr.  Charming,1  Charles  Sumner,2 
Judge  William  Jay,3  Dr.  Peabody,4  became 
hearty  supporters  of  the  cause  and  did  it 
service  of  a  very  high  order.  But  they  did 
not  originate  it.  The  men  who  brought 
the  movement  forth,  who  organized  the 
first  societies,  and  afterwards  the  first  in- 
ternational congresses,5  who  furnished  the 
means,  who  cherished  the  cause  through 
vituperation  and  ridicule  into  the  respect 
which  it  has  at  last  won,  were  peace-at-any- 
price  men,  or  rather,  as  they  should  always 
be  called,  peace-on-principle  men.  The 
movement  would  not  have  started  when  it 
did,  and  not  even  yet  possibly,  but  for  the 
undimmed    consciences,   the   courage  and 

1  For  Channing's  views,  see  essays  on  War,  in  his 
collected  works. 

2  The  True  Grandeur  of  Nations. 
8  Review  of  the  War  with  Mexico. 

4  Address  before  the  American  Peace  Society. 

6  See  Report  of  the  Peace  Congresses  of  Brussels, 
Paris,  Frankfort,  London  and  Edinburgh,  1848-1853, 
published  in  one  volume,  by  the  London  Peace  Society. 


The  Federation  of  the  World         75 

self-sacrificing  devotion,  of  these  princes  of 
peace. 

Not  much  is  heard  nowadays  of  this  class 
of  peace  men,  except  in  the  way  of  apology 
or  derogation.      I   have  recently  heard  it 
asserted  at  an  important  peace  conference 
that  the  genus  is  about  extinct ;  that  the  \ 
position  has  been  found  to  be  untenable  J 
and  has  been  abandoned.     Many  of  those^ 
who  are  seeking  earnestly  to  promote  the 
principle   and   practice    of    arbitration   are'i 
careful  to  say  that  they  are  not  peace-at-/ 
any-price  men.     They  even  go  out  of  their 
way  to  say   a   good  word   for  war   under 
certain  exigencies.     Their  consciences  are! 
nearer  to  the  radical  peace  view  than  they  I 
are  willing  to  admit,  but  they  feel  bound! 
to  keep  up  a  sort  of  consistency  with  their 
past,  with  the  fighting  idea  of  "  patriotism  " 
and  of  "honor,"  and  with  an  old  historic 
notion  about  war,  from  which  they  are  not 
quite  strong  enough  and  brave  enough  to 
break  away. 

My  firm  and  mature  conviction,  formed 


76         The  Federation  of  the  World 

•■  on  religious,  moral  and  historic  grounds,  is 
that  this  conception  of  the  entire  unlawful- 
ness of  war,  which  has  been  held  by  so 
many  Christian  leaders  in  the  past  and 
which  created  the  peace  movement,  is  in 
no  remote  future  inevitably  to  become  uni- 
versal  among  good  men..  Its  adherents  are 
not  decreasing.  They  are  more  numerous 
throughout  Christendom  to-day  than  ever 
before.  Witness  the  hundred  thousand 
Stundists  in  Russia,  many  of  whom  sympa- 
thize strongly  with  the  opinions  of  Count 
Tolstoy;  the  twenty  thousand  Doukho- 
bortsi 1  in  the  Russian  Caucasus  ;  the  thirty 
thousand  Nazarenes  in  southern  Hungary ; 
the  Friends,  Mennonites  and  Moravians, 
who  still,  in  many  parts  of  the  world, 
maintain  their  ancient  profession;  the  in- 
creasing number  of  individuals  in  all  the 

1  The  Doukhobortsi,  for  their  refusal  to  bear  arms, 
have  recently  been  subjected  to  persecutions  worthy 
of  the  most  barbarous  times.  Christian  Martyrdom  in 
Russia,  recently  published  by  the  Brotherhood  Publish- 
ing Co.,  Paternoster  Square,  London,  contains  an  ao 
count  of  their  persecutions  and  exile. 


The  Federation  of  the  World         77 

denominations  who  will  no  longer  make 
any  apology  for  war ;  the  many  individuals 
in  continental  Europe  who  refuse  to  do 
military  service  of  any  kind.1 

It  is  true,  war  is  not  attacked  on  this 
ground   so   exclusively   as   formerly.     The 
crusade   against    it    has   become   so  wide- 
spread and   powerful,   and   is   pushed  for- 
ward on  so  many  strong  grounds, — rational,  y\ 
humanitarian,    social,    economic,  —  that    if/ 
seems  unnecessary  to  put  this  fundamental 
ethical  view  forward  so  constantly  as  f or-  ■  V  ^ 
merly.     Most  of  those  who  hold  it,  and  are 
ready  to  defend  it  on  all  proper  occasions, 
are  only  too  glad  to  join  with  other  true 

1  Van  der  Ver,  of  Holland,  whose  recent  heroic  re- 
fusal to  do  military  service  Tolstoy  has  preserved  for  all 
time,  is  only  one  of  an  increasing  body  of  young  men 
in  Europe  whose  example  would  be  much  more  con-  / 
tagious  than  it  is  if  their  conduct  were  not  so  carefully 
kept  by  the  authorities  from  the  knowledge  of  the  pub- 
lic. One  of  the  leading  lawyers  of  Brussels,  a  Belgian 
senator,  told  the  writer  in  1894  that  what  is  needed 
more  than  anything  else  in  Europe  to-day,  to  break 
down  the  tyranny  of  militarism,  is  a  large  body  of  men 
who  will  refuse  to  do  military  service  of  any  kind. 


j8  The  Federation  of  the  World 

friends  of  the  cause,  on  common  grounds, 
and  to  cooperate  with  them  intfie  practical 
effort  now  being  made  to  establish  perma- 
nent peaceful  methods  of  settling  all  dis- 
putes. War  will  be  abolished  on  these  com- 
mon grounds  rather  than  on  the  perfect 
ethical  one,  except  so  far  as  that  mingles 
with  the  others  and  gives  them  vitality  and 
persistence,  as  it  does  and  always  will  do ; 
just  as  the  radical,  immediate  emancipation 
principle  was  always  the  backbone  of  the 
anti-slavery  movement.  But  when  the  hor- 
rible system  of  human  butchery  shall  have 
been  abolished,  then  all  good  men  will  be 
"peace-at-any-price"  men,  just  as  all  good 
men  are  now  anti-slavery  men  ;  and  they 
will  wonder  then  that  any  man  of  con- 
science could  ever  have  been  anything  else. 
As  Victor  Hugo  prophesied  at  the  open- 
ing of  the  peace  congress  at  Paris,  in  1849, 
people  will  then  look  upon  a  cannon  in  a 
museum  as  we  now  look  upon  an  instru- 
ment of  torture,  with  amazement  that  such 
a  thing  could  ever  have  been.    The  "peace- 


The  Federation  of  the  World         79 

at-any-price"  men  will  then  have  their  com- 
plete vindication  at  the  bar  of  a  thoroughly 
christianized  and  enlightened  public  con- 
science. The  principle  out  of  which  their 
opposition  to  war  springs  is  the  seed-prin- 
ciple of  the  whole  federative  movement  of 
human  society,  and  no  one  can  understand 
the  spirit  and  history  of  this  movement 
who  does  not  take  into  account  the  place 
which  these  men  have  held  in  it.  Some  of 
the  radical  advocates  of  peace  hold  that  no 
effective  opposition  to  war  can  be  made  by 
those  who  do  not  hold  and  practice  this 
principle.  In  this,  it  seems  to  me,  they 
are  mistaken,  as  the  discussion  will  pre- 
sently show. 


VII 

War  Anti-Federative 


HE  other  leading  ground  on  which 
the  crusade  against  war  is  carried 
on  is  that  it  is  anti  -  federative. 
War  is  now  seen  by  all  sensible  men  to  be 
a  huge  load  on  the  constructive  forces  of 
society,  an  immeasurable  obstacle  to  the 
free  play  of  the  federative  elements  in  hu- 
man nature.  It  reduces  national  prosperity 
to  a  minimum,  not  only  by  wasting  men, 
labor,  money,  material,  intellectual  activity, 
sentiment  and  moral  force  at  home,  but 
likewise  by  keeping  peoples  apart  and  pre- 
venting the  profitable  interaction  of  those 
federative  forces,  and  the  mutual  use  of 
those  special  resources  of  different  lands, 
on  which  the  moral  development  and  com- 
mon weal  of  the  world  so  much  depend. 
Under  the  long  action  of  Christianity  and 


The  Federation  of  the  World  8r 

of  the  natural  forces  which  Christianity  has 
brought  more  and  more  into  healthful  ac- 
tivity, the  federative  tendencies  have  be- 
come powerfully  operative  in  our  modern 
society,  especially  between  individuals  and 
contiguous  communities,  but  also  between 
nations.  Witness  the  broad  range  of  re- 
ligious and  philanthropic  work,  the  reforma- 
tory movements,  the  commercial  and  indus- 
trial enterprises,  in  a  word,  the  multitude  of 
humane  as  well  as  profit-seeking  enterprises 
of  our  day,  which  pay  little  regard  to  na- 
tional boundaries.  For  this  reason,  war  is 
coming  to  be  held  intolerable,  and  the 
spirit  out  of  which  it  springs  irrational  and 
utterly  stupid.  It  not  only  wastes  and 
destroys  the  accumulations  of  the  past ;  it 
checks  and  obstructs,  and  often  almost  en- 
tirely paralyzes  all  federative,  constructive 
work,  without  which  families  and  commu- 
nities are  so  helpless  in  these  days,  from 
almost  every  point  of  view.  The  peace 
movement  has  therefore  drawn  into  it,  or 
rather  had  forced  into  it,  large  numbers  of 


82  The  Federation  of  the  World 

men  who  are  not  yet  ready  to  grant  that 
war  as  an  instrument  is  always  morally 
/"unlawful.  The  great  concern  now  is  to  get 
\  rid  of  it  in  the  speediest  way,  not  to  prove 
I  it  in  every  case  morally  wrong.  By  most 
thoughtful  men,  except  a  few  whose  brains 
are  still  strangely  streaked  with  protoplasm, 
—  men  who  prate  about  the  glory  of  war, 
its  inculcation  of  the  manly  virtues,  its  ne- 
cessity to  prevent  civilization  from  decay- 
ing,—  it  is  considered  in  all  ordinary  cases 
sufficiently  immoral  and  always  dreadful 
enough  to  enlist  their  heartiest  sympathy 
and  cooperation  in  every  feasible  effort  to 
banish  it  from  the  world. 

Some  of  our  radical  peace  men  hayejyon-_ 
dered  at  the  sudden  influx  of  men  of  this 
description — statesmen,  jurists,  scholars, 
literary  men,  bankers,  stock  exchangers, 
capitalists,  workingmen,  socialists,  etc.  — 
into  the  ranks  of  the  peace  forces.  They 
have  hastily  inferred  that  the  movement  is 
getting  on  to  lower  ground.  But  this  is 
only  apparently  so.     The  ground,  though 


The  Federation  of  the  World         83 

broader,  is  really  the  same,  —  the  incompat- 
ibility, that  is,  of  war  with  the  federative 
nature  of  men,  and  therefore  with  all  the 
great  interests  of  mankind.  If  war  wrought 
no  damage  to  the  moral  and  material  wel- 
fare of  the .  race,  no  opposition  to  it  would 
ever  have  been  made.  The  protest  of  the 
early  peace  men  against  war,  as  essentially 
and  always  immoral,  grew  really  out  of  the 
positive  conception  that  men  and  nations 
are  so  constituted  that  they  ought  to  love 
one  another;  that  this  is  the  law  of  their 
being;  that  mutual  service  and  cooperation 
are  obligatory,  because  the  different  social 
units  and  groups  are  naturally  members 
one  of  another,  and  cannot  reach  their  pro- 
per development,  comfort  and  happiness  in 
any  other  way. 

The  protest  would  have  been  true,  possi- 
bly, if  there  existed  no  federative  nature  irk-^^ 
men.  Aggression  and  revenge,  fighting  and 
mutual  destruction,  would  be  wrong  if  indi- 
viduals and  nations  had  absolutely  no  power 
of  mutual  service.     But  the  protest  would 


84  The  Federation  of  the  World 

never  have  been  made,  or  even  thought  of, 
or,  if  made,  would  have  seemed  shadowy 
and  irrelevant,  but  for  the  positive  demand 
in  the  constitution  of  humanity  for  good- 
will, cooperation  and  solidarity.  Made  from 
the  standpoint  of  these  principles,  which 
were  urged  with  great  force  by  the  early 
opponents  of  war,1  the  protest  gradually 
recommended  itself  as  essentially  sound, 
and  has  had  a  powerful  influence  in  awak- 
ening the  already  stirring  conscience  of  the 
civilized  world,  not  only  to  the  cruelty  and 
inhumanity  of  war,  but  also  to  its  absurdity 
and  entire  needlessness.  On  the  ground 
of  these  federative  principles  and  the  de- 
structive effect  of  war  and  war  preparations 
upon  the  solidarity  of  human  interests,  many 
have  joined  the  peace  movement  who  have 
not  been  able  to  follow  the  "  peace-at-any- 
price  "  men  to  the  logical  conclusion  of  the 
principles.  This  is  the  explanation  of  the 
sudden  development  which  the  movement 
Wgainst  war  has  recently  shown  throughout 

1  Noah  Worcester,  The  Friend  of  Peace,  181 5-1827. 


The  Federation  of  the  World  85 

the  civilized  world.  The  movement  is  not 
getting  on  to  lower  ground.  It  is  on  the 
same  ground,  essentially,  and  is  gradually 
drawing  into  it  all  those  in  whom  the  Chris- 
tian progress  of  the  world  has  created  a 
sincere  and  often  large  love  for  human 
good,  for  practical  human  brotherhood. 
The  movement  is  therefore  immensely 
stronger,  because  of  the  number  of  its  ad- 
herents, and  the  power  which  it  thereby 
possesses  to  secure  practical  results  in  legis- 
lation, than  it  was  when  it  had  no  friends 
except  the  radical  ones,  who  spent  their 
time  largely  in  depicting  the  horrors  and 
revolting  cruelties  of  the  battlefield,  and  in 
collating  and  expounding  texts  of  the  New 
Testament  to  prove  their  one  thesis,  that 
war,  defensive  as  well  as  offensive,  is  always 
unlawful.  The  federative  tendencies  and 
beliefs  of  the  larger  number  of  men  of 
what  are  sometimes  called  half-and-half 
principles,  who  have  in  recent  years  given 
their  support  to  peaceful  methods  of  set- 
tling disputes,  have  made  possible  the  ex- 


\> 


rv 


y 


86         The  Federation  of  the  World 

cellent  results  which  have  been  attained 
'both  in  the  field  of  international  arbitra- 
tion and  in  that  of  industrial  arbitration. 
All  of  the  statesmen1  who  have  done  so 
much  the  past  century  in  securing  the  ad- 
justment of  international  disputes  by  peace- 
ful methods  have  been  men  who  would  not 
have  hesitated,  under  given  circumstances, 
to  go  to  war.  How  much  more  might  have 
been  done,  if  these  men  had  all  been  radi- 
cal peace  men,  it  is  useless  to  try  to  con- 
jecture. But  one  thing  is  certain  :  without 
their  cordial  belief  in  arbitration  and  the 
spirit  out  of  which  it  springs,  nothing  at  all 
would  yet  have  been  accomplished  in  a  prac- 
tical way. 

I  am  not  arguing  that  these  men  are 
nearer  right  than  the  radical  peace  men, 
but  only  that  the  movement  has  become 
immensely  stronger  since  so  many  of  them 

1  Jay>  Jefferson,  Pinkney,  Webster,  Grant,  Gladstone, 
Sumner,  Fish,  Schenck,  Earl  Grey,  Sir  S.  H.  North- 
cote,  Sir  E.  Thornton,  Rose,  Count  Sclopis,  Staempfli, 
Blaine,  Pauncefote,  Gresham,  Olney,  Foster,  and  others. 


The  Federation  of  the  World         87 

have  interested  themselves  in  it,  and  that 
the  ground  of  their  support  is,  as  far  as  it 
goes,  true  peace  ground.  The  old  thesis  I 
believe  to  be  profoundly  right.  Its  constant 
maintenance  was  absolutely  necessary  in 
its  time.  Men's  minds  were  so  stupefied 
by  false  ideas  about  the  glory  and  the  ne- 
cessity of  war  that  only  the  most  intense 
radicalism  and  realism  of  treatment  could 
arouse  them.  Only  radical  men  would  have 
ventured  into  the  halls  of  legislation,  in  the 
early  days,  with  memorials  to  urge  the 
claims  of  peaceful  methods  in  composing 
international  troubles.  The  maintenance  of 
the  thesis  is  still  necessary  as  an  essential 
part,  nay,  rather,  the  very  centre  and  core, 
of  the  peace  movement.  There  are  times 
when  radical  peace  men  are  the  only  peace 
men  left,  all  others  being  carried  away  by 
the  spirit  of  war.  In  Russia,  where  this 
thesis  is  maintained  with  so  much  vigor  and 
freshness  by  Tolstoy,  supported  by  multi- 
tudes of  peasants  throughout  the  empire, 
the  peace  propaganda  cannot  yet  take  on 


88  The  Federation  of  the  World 

any  other  form.  The  great  count  is  toler- 
ated only  because  it  is  known  by  the  state 
authorities  that  he  will  not  take  up  arms, 
and  that  he  counsels  others  not  to  take  up 
arms,  against  the  government.  Thus  he 
and  his  followers  are  doing  for  Russia  what 
men  of  no  other  principles  could  do.  It  is 
felt  by  a  number  of  the  friends  of  peace  in 
Europe  that  the  yoke  of  European  mil- 
itarism can  never  be  broken  until  there 
arise  in  the  midst  of  it  a  body  of  men  who 
will  refuse,  for  conscience'  sake,  to  do  mili- 
tary service  in  any  form. 

But,  after  all,  the  real  strength  of  the 
peace  movement  does  not  lie  in  the  pro- 
test against  war  and  its  desolations,  cruel- 
ties and  horrors.  It  lies  in  the  protest  for 
concord,  and  its  utilities  and  glories.  The 
former  is  only  a  part  of  the  latter.  Men 
can  never  be  brought  to  see  the  wickedness 
of  violence  until  they  see  the  true  nature  of 
peace  on  its  positive  side,  the  moral  gran- 
deur of  love,  the  individual  and  social  worth 
of  cordial  fellowship,  the  immense  economic 


The  Federation  of  the  World  89 

and  happiness  value  of  wide-reaching  indus- 
trial and  commercial  cooperation,  the  in- 
calculable benefits,  the  dignity  and  honor- 
ableness  of  international  trust  and  concord. 
Men  who  do  not  see  these  will,  as  a  rule,  S 
never  see  anything  wrong  in  war.  When 
they  see  these,  you  will  not  need  to  portray 
to  them  the  moral  hideousness  of  war. 
For  war  and  war  preparations  are  nothing 
but  the  outward  manifestation  of  the  spirit 
of  exclusiveness,  hate,  greed  and  aggres- 
sion on  the  part  of  nations.  When  this 
spirit  goes  out  of  men,  war  and  war  prepa- 
rations go  out  of  them.  So  long  as  this 
spirit  remains,  it  is  idle  to  talk  of  disarma- 
ment. You  can  do  something,  especially 
among  thinking  Christian  men,  to  create 
a  new  feeling  about  war  by  holding  it  up 
to  the  shafts  of  a  pitiless  moral  analysis, 
but  you  can  do  much  more  among  the 
masses  of  men,  to  whom  fine  ethical  con- 
ceptions do  not  so  much  appeal,  by  show- 
ing that  war  is  the  deadly  enemy  of  all 
those  economic  and  social  interchanges  on 


go  The  Federation  of  the  World 

which  the  prosperity,  the  happiness  and 
the  moral  welfare  of  peoples  of  all  lands 
now  so  largely  depend.  This  is  the  ground 
on  which  much  of  the  most  effective  peace 
work  is  now  being  done.  Still  more  can  be 
done  by  setting  in  movement,  or  by  aiding 
in  developing,  all  sorts  of  healthy  interna- 
tional cooperation. 


/ 


VIII 

The  New  World  Society 

J|HE  main  ground  of  hope  at  the 
present  time  for  the  speedy  aboli- 
tion of  war  is,  not  some  theoretical 
guess  as  to  what  the  federative  forces  ought 
to  do  or  may  do,  but  their  actually  existing  | 
results  in  the  social,  economic  and  political 
structure  of  the  world,  constituting  a  world 
society  of  very  marked  development.  This 
world  society  may  be  traced  in  many  direc- 
tions. Christian  missions,  in  an  organized 
and  permanent  form  unknown  till  the  past 
century,  now  have  their  growing  centres  of 
religious  and  educational  activity  in  every 
quarter  of  the  globe,1  and  Christ's  doctrine 
of  the  brotherhood  of  men  in  the  Father- 


1  F.  Max  Miiller,  Lecture  on  Missions.  Theodore 
Christlieb,  Protestant  Foreign  Missions.  James  S.  Den- 
nis, Christian  Missions  and  Social  Progress. 


g2  The  Federation  of  the  World 

hood  of  God  was  never  set  forth  with  so 
much  simplicity,  directness,  freedom  from 
prejudice,  and  practical  efficiency  as  in  the 
present  generation. 

Following  these  missions  and  in  part  cre- 
ated by  them,  commerce  has  grown  and 
spread  until  it  has  become  world-wide.  It 
has  woven  its  network  of  intercourse,  and 
planted  the  homes  of  its  merchants  and  car- 
riers on  the  shores  of  all  the  continents  and 
of  the  important  islands  of  the  sea,  and 
pushed  itself  into  the  heart  of  the'most  un- 
known inlands.  It  has  discovered  new  re- 
sources, opened  up  new  occupations,  taught 
workingmen  to  go  from  one  end  of  the  earth 
to  the  other.  It  has  created  a  great  credit 
system,  which  is  fast  uniting  all  the  large 
cities  of  the  world  and  many  smaller  ones 
together  in  a  community  of  interest. 

Labor  has  not  only  its  national,  but  also 
its  international  associations,  which  are 
bringing  the  millions  of  laboring  people  in 
many  lands  into  ever  closer  union  and  sym- 
pathy, and  the  working  classes  have  already 


s 


The  Federation  of  the  World  93 

learned  that  they  have  a  higher  mission  than 
to  be  the  mere  tools  of  capital  or  of  selfish 
and  greedy  monarchs.  There  is  no  federa- 
tive force  more  powerful  than  that  of  labor, 
and  it  is  binding  society  together  at  the 
very  bottom. 

International  travel,  not  for  religious  and 
commercial  purposes  only,  but  also  for  in- 
tellectual, scientific  and  social  purposes, 
has  been  rendered  swift  and  easy  by  the 
inventions  which  have  led  to  the  formation 
of  the  great  steamship  lines  and  the  trans- 
continental railways.  The  volume  of  travel 
merely  for  sight-seeing  and  pleasure,  for 
rest  and  recuperation,  has  become  so  im- 
mense that  for  three  months  in  each  year 
it  seems  as  if  the  whole  civilized  world  were 
in  migration.1  . 

This  internationalization   of   religion,  of  /\*r^ 
business,  of  society,  of  science,  etc.,  by  ac- 

1  During  the  recent  war  with  Spain    many  of  the , 
steamship  lines  between  the  United  States  and  Europe 
found  their  business   cut  down   nearly  fifty  per  cent. 
What  this  means  in  checking  the  natural  flow  of  money 
throughout  the  world  is  easily  imagined. 


~ 


g4  The  Federation  of  the  World 

quainting  peoples  with  one  another,  is  re- 
moving many  prejudices,  and  teaching  men 
the  numerous  ways  in  which  those  remotest 
from  one  another  may  contribute  to  one 
another's  prosperity  and  happiness.  The 
telegraph,  the  cable  and  the  associated 
press  have  put  all  parts  of  this  complex 
world  structure  into  almost  instant  contact 
with  one  another,  so  that  a  disturbance  in 
one  part  is  at  once  felt  everywhere  else. 
This  immense  network  of  interests,  all  an- 
tagonistic to  war,  is  constantly  being  woven 
thicker  and  firmer ;  the  result  of  it  will  be, 
in  the  near  future,  that  the  world  society, 
purely  in  self-defense,  will  banish  war  from 
its  midst,  as  a  necessary  condition  of  the 
permanence  of  the  federation  and  union  of 
interests  in  which  each  unit  finds  its  life 
and  well-being.  Formerly,  when  the  nations 
traded  little  with  each  other,  when  their 
citizens  sojourned  little  abroad,  when  inter- 
national communication  was  slow  and  dif- 
ficult,1 when  property  was  in  the  hands  of 
1  It  was  several  days  before  the  knowledge  of  the 


The  Federation  of  the  World  95 

a  few  lords,  and  the  people  were  menials 
and  knew  little  of  the  real  comforts  and 
blessings  of  life,  two  nations  might  fight 
and  desolate  each  other,  for  a  series  of  years 
even,  and  the  rest  of  the  nations  feel  it  little 
or  care  little  about  it,  except  from  the  mili- 
tary standpoint  of  the  rulers,  who  were  glad 
oftener  than  not,  because  of  the  opportunity 
for  exploits  which  the  wars  of  neighboring 
states  opened  to  them.  In  our  time,  a  war 
between  two  nations  is,  in  its  effects  at 
least,  a  war  everywhere.  Every  nation*  s 
industry  and  commerce  are  crippled ;  every 
nation's  credit  disturbed;  every  nation's 
citizens  imperiled ;  every  nation's  happi- 
ness and  comfort  interfered  with. 

In  this  complex  state  of  international  so- 
ciety, and  because  of  the  awful  destructive- 
ness  of  modern  implements  of  warfare,  it  is 
inevitable  that  there  should  soon  be  some 
concert  of  the  nations  to  reduce  war,  when 
it  occurs,  to  the  briefest  possible  period,  to 

battle  of  Waterloo,  in  1815,  got  across  the  Channel  and 
reached  London. 


g6  The  Federation  of  the  World 

the  narrowest  limits,  and  ultimately  to  pre- 
vent it  entirely.  This  concert  is  likely  to 
be  for  a  time  in  part  a  concert  offeree, 
exerting  itself  in  the  neutralization 1  of  small 
countries,  in  the  protection  of  commerce  on 
the  high  seas,  and  in  preventing  any  nation 
from  breaking  the  peace.  But  the  concert 
of  force,  which  from  its  very  nature  can  be 
participated  in  by  only  a  few  great  powers, 
contains  in  it  so  many  elements  of  danger, 
and  is,  from  the  very  selfishness  out  of 
which  it  springs,  so  liable  to  break  down  at 
the  critical  moment,  as  it  did  in  the  case  of 
the  recent  Armenian  massacres,  that  the 
conscience  of  the  world  will  not  be  satisfied 
very  long  with  such  an  arrangement.  The 
world  society  must  have  something  of  a 
\^  higher  order,  a  moral  concert  founded  in 
mutual  beneficence  and  trust.  The  concert 
of  force,  while  it  grows,  and  so  long  as  it 
lasts,  is  likely,  too,  to  be  limited  to  those 
nations  where  militarism  has  come  up  from 

1  T.  K.  Arnoldson,  Pax  Mundi,  chapter  on  "Neu- 
trality." 


The  Federation  of  the  World  gy 

the  past,  and  will  probably  never  be  entered 
into  by  a  nation  of  the  truly  modern  spirit 
like  the  United  States.  At  least,  it  is  to 
be  hoped  that  it  will  not.  The  concert 
which  is  to  end  war,  which  is  even  now 
working  itself  out  on  a  grand  scale  in  the 
movements  of  the  world  society,  is  to  be  one 
of  unarmed,  trustful  cooperation,  —  a  force 
more  powerful  to  hold  in  check  the  demon 
of  violence  than  all  the  combined  steel-clad 
ships  that  ever  furrowed  the  ocean.1 

The  antagonism  to  war,  produced  by  the 
various  causes  just  mentioned,   is  greatly   {y^ 
intensified  by  the  enlarging  sympathy  be- 
tween  peoples  created  by  the   growth  of  1 
popular  government  the  past  century.     Even  ' 
in  Europe,  where  as  yet  there  are  only  two 
republics,    constitutional    government    has 

1  An  example  of  the  kind  of  concert  here  meant  is 
found  in  the  Universal  Postal  Union.  This  union, 
which  originated  no  longer  ago  than  in  1874,  at  its  con- 
gress at  Washington  in  1896  admitted  into  its  member- 
ship the  last  of  the  organized  nations  of  the  world,  and 
became  literally  universal,  —  the  first  universal,  interna- 
tional union  ever  formed 


g8  The  Federation  of  the  World 

made  such  progress  that  most  of  the  sov- 
ereigns are  no  longer  rulers  except  in  name. 
Democracy  as  naturally  creates  sympathy 
and  the  spirit  of  cooperation  between  peo- 
ples as  absolutism  in  government  is  the 
deadly  foe  of  international  friendship.  \  It 
may  take  a  republic  like  France  a  good 
while  to  throw  off  the  effects  of  the  abso- 
lutism of  the  past.  The  full  influence  of 
democracy  in  creating  international  sym- 
pathy ought  not  to  be  expected  to  be  seen 
in  a  single  generation  or  even  in  a  single 
century,  after  so  many  centuries  of  abso- 
lutism have  stamped  their  effects  on  the 
character  of  all  peoples.  In  the  United 
States,  where  absolutism  has  been  unknown 
since  the  founding  of  the  nation,  sympathy 
with  other  peoples  (this  does  not  mean  with 
other  governments)  is  very  large  and  steadily 
growing.  In  France  the  spirit  of  the  peo- 
ple is  moving  steadily  into  sympathy  with 
the  people  of  other  constitutional  countries, 
as  the  republic  becomes  more  sure  to  main- 
tain a  permanent  existence.     The  peoples 


The  Federation  of  the  World  99 

of  the  South  and  Central  American  repub- 
lics have  even  more  sympathy  one  with  an- 
other across  the  borders  than  the  citizens 
of  any  one  of  these  republics  have  with 
their  own  fellow-citizens,  civil  wars  beingj 
more  common  among  them  than  interna-' 
tional  wars.  Though  democracies  now  and  I 
then  break  out  into  war  with  great  passion, 
against  other  peoples,  or  rather  against  the 
governments  of  other  peoples,  this  must 
not  be  taken  as  invalidating  the  position 
that  popular  government  is  naturally  con- 
ducive to  international  friendship.  These 
fits  of  international  violence  are  not  charge- 
able to  democratic  principles,  nor  do  they 
indicate  that  governments  of  the  people 
have  no  tendency  to  prevent  international 
ill  feeling  and  strife.  They  only  prove  that 
even  the  best  political  institutions  cannot 
suddenly  remove  in  to  to  deep-seated  preju- 
dices, perverted  habits  of  thought  and  long- 
felt  dislikes  and  animosities.  That  popular 
governments  naturally  tend  to  create  oppo- 
sition to  war  is  sufficiently  clear  from  the 


y 


wo        The  Federation  of  the  World 

fact  that  in  those  countries  where  the  peo- 
ple have  most  to  do  with  political  affairs, 
there  opposition  to  war  is  strongest  and 
most  pronounced.1  The  notion  of  popular 
government  is  a  constituent  element  in  the 
new  world  society  whose  antagonism  to  war 
iS  growing  to  be  so  marked.  It  will  be  seen 
later  that  the  idea  of  the  people  governing 
themselves  has  even  a  wider  bearing  than 
that  which  appears  in  international  sym- 
pathy; that  it  is  working  out  a  veritable 
world  government  which  is  some  day  to 
embrace  in  its  jurisdiction  all  the  nations 
of  the  earth,  or  humanity  as  a  whole. 
/  In  this  connection  one  other  thought  de- 
serves mention.  It  seems  to  me  that  the 
sense  of  a  common  manhood,  of  a  common 
brotherhood,  revealed  through  citizenship 
which  possesses  the  franchise,  or  seeking 
to  reveal  itself  through  such  citizenship,  is 
more  the  cause  of  the  present  widespread 
opposition  to  war  among  organizations  of 

1  Andrew  Carnegie,    Triumphant  Democracy>   chap. 


The  Federation  of  the  World        101 

laboring  men  than  the  mere  desire  not  to  j 
have  regular  employment  and  steady  living/ 
wages  interfered  with,  powerful  as  this  lat-l 
ter  is  as  a  motive.  At  any  rate,  the  oppo- 
sition to  war  on  the  part  of  democracies  and 
constitutional  governments  and  the  antag- 
onism of  the  labor  interests  to  militarism 
move  steadily  and  powerfully  together.1 

1  For  a  careful  discussion  of  the  labor  opposition  to 
war,  see  the  speeches  of  Professor  John  B.  Clark  of 
Columbia  University,  in  the  Mohonk  Arbitration  Con- 
ference Reports  for  1896-97-98. 

Since  1899,  when  this  book  first  appeared,  the  labor 
organizations  have  taken  a  still  stronger  stand  against 
militarism  and  war.  The  forty  labor  members  of  the 
recently  elected  British  Parliament  have  taken  the  lead  in 
that  body  in  urging  Sir  Henry  Campbell-Bannerman's  gov- 
ernment to  take  steps  toward  a  reduction  of  armaments 
and  securing  at  the  second  Hague  Conference  interna- 
tional agreement  to  this  end.  The  American  Federation 
of  Labor  at  its  annual  meeting,  in  1906,  adopted  a  series 
of  strong  resolutions  in  support  of  world-organization 
and  peace.  The  same  is  true  of  the  labor  unions  in 
other  countries. 


IX 


The  Growing  Triumph  of  Arbitration 

O  one  can  understand  the  recent 
sudden  development  of  interest  in 
arbitration,  not  only  in  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain,  but  also  in  many 
of  the  continental  European  countries,  with- 
out taking  into  account  this  complex,  eco- 
nomically sensitive  and  growingly  humane 
and  Christian  condition  of  our  modern 
world  society.  Arbitration  has  an  inter- 
esting history  of  a  hundred  years,  during 
which  it  has  been  successfully  applied  in 
over  two  hundred  important  cases  of  diffi- 
culty.1   But  it   is  not  primarily  its   past 

1  International  Arbitrations •,  John  Bassett  Moore. 
The  Arbitrations  of  the  United  States ,  same  author.  In- 
ternational Arbitration  at  the  Opening  of  the  Twentieth 
Century,  B.  F.  Trueblood.  International  Tribunals, 
W.  E.  Darby. 


The  Federation  of  the  World        103 

success  which  has  created  the  recent  en- 
larged interest  in  it.     In  fact,  the  new  in- 
terest in  it  has  set  many  intelligent  people 
to  work  to  hunt  up  its  history,  of  which 
they  previously  knew  practically  nothing. 
What  has  created  the  fresh  interest  is  the 
absolute   moral  and   material  necessity  of 
arbitration  both  as  a  means  of  avoiding  the 
widespread  ruin  which  war  now  produces, 
and  as  an  expression  of  the  increased  con- 
scientiousness, reasonableness  and  forbear- 
ance of  men  in  regard  to  their  differences \ 
and  their  growing  disposition  to  cooperate,  j 
wherever  possible,  for  mutual  benefit.     It  * 
is  the  resistless  logic  of  modern  huma)i£__^       a 
progress  which  has  brought  arbitration  into      y 
such  esteem.     This  method  of  composing 
disputes  is  not  merely  a  product,  but  an 
integral  part  of  the  great  federative  move- 
ment of  our  day,   some  of  whose  leading 
features  have  been  mentioned.     Every  part 
of  this  movement  has  had  essentially  the 
same  causes,  and  every  part  has  had  a  stim- 
ulating and  supporting  effect  upon  every 
other  part. 


104        The  Federation  of  the  World 

The  treaty  of  arbitration  between  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain,  signed  at 
Washington  on  the  nth  of  January,  1897, 
the  first  treaty  of  the  kind  ever  signed  be- 
tween two  nations,  was  scarcely  more  an 
expression  of  the  great  change  in  public 
sentiment  as  to  peace  and  war  than  it  was  of 
the  radically  new  spirit  then  beginning  to 
actuate  diplomacy.  But  for  this  new  spirit 
in  diplomacy,  which  dates  particularly  from 
the  time  of  the  Geneva  Red  Cross  Con- 
vention of  1864,1  this  treaty  would  have 
been  an  impossibility.  It  is  difficult  to  say 
whether  diplomacy  had  done  more  for  the 
promotion  of  public  opinion  in  connection 
with  this  treaty  or  the  latter  for  the  de- 
velopment of  the  former.  Anglo-American 
diplomacy  has  been  for  a  hundred  years 
more  than  abreast  of  Anglo-American  pub- 
lic sentiment  on  the  subject  of  arbitration, 
and  the  signing  of  this  treaty  in  1897 
developed  public  sentiment  on  both  sides 
of  the  water  in  a  most  remarkable  degree. 

1  Encyclopedia  Britannica^  "  Geneva  Convention." 


The  Federation  of  the  World        105 

The  peace  societies  themselves,  which 
have  in  recent  years  multiplied  with  such 
rapidity,1  right  in  the  midst  of  European 
bayonets  even,  and  are  devoting  their  atten- 
tion largely  to  the  promotion  of  arbitration 
as  a  permanent  method  of  settling  inter- 
national controversies,  are  the  creation  of 
the  same  forces  which  brought  arbitration 
into  existence.  Twenty  years  before  the 
first  peace  society  was  organized,  the  Jay 
treaty  between  Great  Britain  and  this  coun- 
try had  provided  for  the  settlement  of  three 
disputed  questions  by  mixed  commissions, 
—  a  form  of  tribunal  which  afterward  devel- 
oped into  the  temporary  arbitration  court, 
which  has  done  so  much  in  recent  years 
to  preserve  and  promote  the  peace  of  the 
civilized  world.  In  18 14,  still  a  year  before 
the  organization  of  any  peace  societies,  the 
treaty  of  Ghent  provided  for  the  settlement 

1  There  are  now  nearly  five  hundred  peace  associa- 
tions, including  branch  societies,  in  European  countries. 
Most  of  these  have  been  organized  since  the  ParisJ?eaca 
Congress  of  1889. 


106        The  Federation  of  the  World 

of  three  further  disputes  by  mixed  com- 
missions.    This  fact  does  not  in  any  way 

^lessen  the  merit  of  the  peace  associations. 
Though  they  did  not  create  the  arbitration 
movement,  and  are  only  one  of  the  many 
agencies  which  are  developing  it,  yet  they 

\  were  its  first  prophets,  giving  the  necessity 

[of  it  the  first  clear  and  positive  utterance. 
They  have  been  its  stanchest  and  steadi- 
est friends.  Up  to  a  decade  ago  not  a 
single  resolution  favoring  arbitration  had 
ever  been  introduced  or  voted  on  in  any 
parliament  that  was  not  there  directly  by 
their  agency. 

Among  the  peace  society  agencies  must 

be  included  the  International  Peace  Con- 

v  ... 

gress,  a  permanent  organization  since  1889, 

meeting    annually   in   the   different    large 

cities  of  the  world  ;  the  Interparliamentary 

Peace  Union,1  a  distinguished  association 

1  The  Interparliamentary  Peace  Union  was  organized 
at  the  time  of  the  Paris  Exposition  in  1889,  partly  by 
the  same  men  who  originated  the  International  Peace 
Congress.  The  union  now  has  over  two  thousand 
members. 


The  Federation  of  the  World        wy 

of  members  of  parliaments,  having  over  two 
thousand  on  its  roll ;  the  International  Peace  / 
Bureau  at  Berne ; *  and  certain  special  con- 
ferences, like  that  now  held  annually  at 
Lake  Mohonk,  N.  Y.,  and  the  national  con- 
ferences on  arbitration  held  at  Washington 
in  1896  and  1904. 

But  though  very  powerful  and  efficient, 
and  increasingly  so  as  the  number  of  the 
associations  increases  from  year  to  year, 
the  peace  society  agency  has  been  only  one 
of  the  large  group  of  agencies  —  religious, 
juridic,  political,  diplomatic,  social,  commer- 
cial, financial  —  which  have,  severally  and 
jointly,  pushed  arbitration  to  the  front  as 
the  only  rational  method  of  removing  con- 
troversies after  direct  negotiation  has  failed. 

The  merits  and  practicability  of  arbitra- 
tion need  no  longer  be  pleaded.  It  has 
already  won  its  case  at  the  bar  of  inter- 
national public  opinion.  Beginning  in  a 
tentative  way  with  the  United  States  and 

1  The  Peace  Bureau  was  established  by  vote  of  the  -O 
Peace  Congress  at  Rome  in  1891. 


108        The  Federation  of  the  World 

Great  Britain  a  hundred  years  ago,  it  has 
been  applied  with  increasing  frequency,  in 
recent  years  particularly,  to  disputes  of 
nearly  every  conceivable  kind.  The  cases 
which  it  has  disposed  of  have  ranged  all 
the  way  from  those  involving  damages 
claims  of  a  few  thousands  of  dollars  to  those 
more  serious  controversies,  touching  terri- 
torial limits  and  transgression  against  na- 
tional rights,  which  have  cut  deeply  the 
national  pride  and  sense  of  honor,  and  given 
rise  to  hot  and  long-continued  diplomatic 
debate.  Wherever  it  has  been  employed 
it  has  succeeded.  There  is  not  a  real  ex- 
ception to  be  noted.  The  cases  which  it 
has  settled  have  stayed  settled.  Not  even 
the  ghost  of  such  a  case  has  ever  arisen  to 
disturb  anybody's  tranquillity.  It  has  been 
tried  by  nearly  all  nations,  great  and  small, 
in  the  Old  World  and  the  New,  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain  leading,  the  former 
with  more  than  sixty  cases  and  the  latter 
with  about  the  same  number.1 
1  Benjamin    F.    Trueblood,    "The    United    States, 


The  Federation  of  the  World        log 

Arbitration  has  not  yet  wholly  succeeded 
in  preventing  wars,  and  may  not  for  some 
time  yet,  but  its  record,  in  the* hundred 
years  since  it  first  came  into  use,  is  a  most 
remarkable  one,  and  some  day,  when  the 
history  of  human  progress  begins  to  be 
really  written,  this  record  will  constitute  a 
very  instructive  chapter.  The  advantages 
of  this  method  of  treating  disputes  are  so 
great  and  so  apparent  to  all  thoughtful  peo- 
ple that,  having  already  been  so  success- 
fully tried  in  such  a  variety  of  cases,  it  is 
sure  speedily  to  become  more  and  more 
general.  Arbitration  gives  time  for  passion 
to  cool.  It  affords  opportunity  to  hunt  up 
all  the  facts  in  a  given  case,  an  ignorance 
or  one-sided  knowledge  of  which  is  often 
the  chief  cause  of  irritation.  It  costs  a 
mere  pittance  compared  with  war.  It  car- 
ries questions  of  right  and  justice  to  the 
forum  of  reason,  where  only  they  can  be 
determined  according  to  their  merits.    True 

Great  Britain   and   International  Arbitration,"   in   the      / 
New  England  Magazine,  March,  1896. 


/  jo        The  Federation  of  the  World 

honor  is  always  vindicated  before  its  tribu- 
nals. It  leaves  no  bitter  ranklings  behind, 
no  broken  families,  no  devasted  lands,  no 

^international  feuds.  It  appeals  to  the  better 
instincts  of  peoples.  It  removes  preju- 
dices and  misjudgments.     It  creates  sym- 

x^pathy  and  fellowship.  Arbitration  is  not 
simply  a  cool  and  heartless  method  of  dis- 
posing of  difficulties ;  in  its  deeper  signifi- 
cance it  is  a  method  of  cooperation  in  pro- 
moting the  true  interests  of  the  nations  in 
their  relations  to  one  another.  It  not  only 
peacefully  composes  their  differences ;  it 
trains  them  as  well  in  moral  judgment  and 
moral  self-control.  It  makes  their  diplo- 
macy more  intelligent,  more .  patient,  more 
altruistic,  and  thus  makes  serious  disputes 
much  less  likely  to  arise.  A  great  arbitra- 
tion like  that  of  the  Alabama  dispute  or 
W  the  Bering  Sea  seal  question  settles  a 
(whole  group  of  international  principles,  and 
\a  thus  permanently  advances  international 
law.  The  Bering  Sea  case  is  a  conspicuous 
example  of  the  tendency  of  arbitration  to 


The  Federation  of  the  World        m 

produce  peaceful  cooperation  for  the  re- 
moval of  troubles  which  not  even  an  ar- 
bitral court  may  be  able  to  reach.  For 
these  reasons  arbitration,  through  the  spirit 
out  of  which  it  springs  and  which  it  greatly 
develops  and  strengthens,  will  gradually 
remove  the  necessity  of  employing  it  at 
all,  and  will  thus  prove  a  powerful  instru- 
ment in  promoting  the  federation  of  the 
world. 

The  great  question  now  in  connection 
with  this  mode  of  settling  differences  is 
to  make  it  permanent,  to  build  it  into  a 
judicial  system  universally  recognized  and 
accepted  by  all  the  civilized  nations.1    To- 

1  See  the  Memorial  of  the  New  York  State  Bar  Asso- 
ciation, Mohonk  Arbitration  Conference  Report  for  i8g6, 
Appendix  B,  and  the  speeches  given  in  the  Report. 
See,  also,  International  Tribunals,  by  Dr.  W.  Evans 
Darby.  Lord  Chief  Justice  Russell,  in  his  address  at 
Saratoga  before  the  American  Bar  Association  in  1896, 
gives  the  grounds  why,  in  his  judgment,  temporary  tri- 
bunals are  preferable  to  a  permanent  one.  An  excel- 
lent reply  to  his  argument  will  be  found  in  the  speech 
of  Mr.  Walter  S.  Logan  at  the  Mohonk  Arbitration 
Conference  in  June,  1898. 


ii2        The  Federation  of  the  World 

ward  the  accomplishment  of  this  all  the 
agencies  of  peace  are  turning.  A  hundred 
years  is  long  enough  to  have  successfully 
experimented.  A  hundred  important  cases, 
with  many  minor  ones,  settled  in  this  way, 
and  settled,  every  one  of  them,  effectually 
and  finally,  are  proof  enough  that  the 
method  is  perfectly  suited  to  the  need,  and 
capable  of  practically  universal  application. 
Permanent  treaties  of  arbitration,  providing 
for  the  setting  up  of  a  permanent  tribunal, 
are  the  great  desideratum  of  our  complex, 
sensitive  civilization.  All  disputes  between 
the  civilized  nations  ought  forever  here- 
after, by  their  own  sovereign  and  united  de- 
termination, to  be  taken  out  of  the  realm  of 
passion,  caprice  and  violence,  and  brought 
within  the  domain  of  reason  and  law,  as 
disputes  between  individuals  have  been. 
The  reasons  for  the  former  are  even  more 
weighty  than  for  the  latter,  and  nothing 
but  a  false  and  silly  sentimentalism  stands 
in  the  way.  The  administrators  of  govern- 
ments have  much  less  ground  for  friction 


The  Federation  of  the  World        1 13 

between  them  than  do  individuals  in  the 
private  walks  of  life.  The  populations  of 
the  nations  have  still  less  ground  for  en- 
mity toward  one  another.  International 
hostilities  are  the  most  needless  and  wicked 
of  all  hostilities.  One  can  account  for  the 
rashness  and  even  levity  with  which  they 
are  entered  into,  only  on  the  ground  of  an 
almost  total  absence  of  thoughtfulness  in 
regard  to  the  real  nature  of  international 
strife,  both  on  the  part  of  the  government 
leaders  and  of  the  mass  of  citizens.  The 
procedure  of  the  heads  of  governments,  in 
case  of  disputes,  ought  to  be  so  prescribed 
as  to  leave  them  no  opportunity  for  caprice 
or  ambitious  self-assertion,  or  for  carrying 
away  the  unthinking  masses  into  senseless 
war  flurries  by  insidious  appeals  to  passion 
and 'national  pride.  If  this  were  done,  if 
arbitration  were  established,  under  treaty 
obligations,  as  a  permanent  principle  of 
international  law,  instead  of  being  difficult 
to  carry  out  in  practice,  as  many  suppose, 
it  would,  in  my  judgment,  be  found  to  be 


/ 14        The  Federation  of  the  World 

incomparably  easy,  —  much  easier  than  the 
administration  of  the  common  law  among 
individuals,  where  there  is  constant,  friction 
from  close  contact. 

Just  here  lies  the  true  significance  of 
the  Anglo-American  treaty  drawn  in  1897.1 
This  treaty  was  not  needed  to  prevent  the 

wo  nations  from  going  to  war.  They  are 
not  likely  ever  to  do  that  again,  treaty  or 
no  treaty.  They  have  fought  but  once, 
they  have  arbitrated  many  times,  since 
they  became  separate  nations  over  one  hun- 
dred years  ago.  This  treaty  was  a  declara- 
tion to  the  world  that  they  had  found 
arbitration  not  only  just  and  honorable,  but 

asy  and  pleasant,  and  that  they  believed 
it  safe To  take  the  last  obstacle  out  of  its 
way  and  make  it  as  easy  as  a  fixed  law  of 
nature.      Whatever   obstacles    the  treaty 


1 


1  This  treaty  was  signed  by  Richard  Olney  and  Sir 
Julian  Pauncefote  On  the  nth  of  January,  1897.  It 
failed  of  ratification  in  the  Senate,  when  the  final  vote 
was  taken,  on  the  5th  of  May.  Since  October,  1903,  47 
/treaties  of  obligatory  arbitration  have  been  concluded, 
more  about  which  will  be  said  in  the  last  chapter. 


The  Federation  of  the  World        1 15 

encountered  in  the  Senate,  and  however 
tentative  and  imperfect  the  method  which 
it  prescribed  may  be  supposed  to  be,  what 
the  great  body  of  Americans  and  English- 
men think  of  arbitration,  which  the  treaty 
proposed  to  set  up  as  a  rule  of  law  between 
them,  is  that  it  is  the  right  mode  of  settling 
all  their  differences,  and  at  the  same  time 
a  perfectly  simple  and  easy  one.  "When  it 
is  once  settled  and  in  force,  no  one  with 
Anglo-Saxon  blood  in  his  veins  will  be  any 
more  willing  to  part  with  it  than  with  the 
railroad,  the  steamship,  or  the  ^telegraph ; 
and  it  will,  in  all  probability,  stop  the  clam- 
orous mouth  of  war  forever  wherever  the 
English  tongue  is  spoken.  The  example 
will  be  contagious,  and  in  a  generation  or 
two,  if  one  may  judge  from  the  rapidity 
with  which  the  arbitration  movement  is 
gaining  strength  in  Europe,  the  entire  civ- 
ilized world  will  have  set  up  for  itself  a 
permanent  system  of  peaceful  judicial  set- 
tlement for  disputes  of  every  kind  aris- 
ing between  the  different  nations.     If  the 


n6        The  Federation  of  the  World 

Olney-Pauncefote  treaty  should  fail  of  rati- 
fication in  the  Senate,1  the  effect  will  be 
merely  to  retard  slightly  or  possibly  to 
deflect  from  its  most  natural  course  the 
movement,  but  not  in  any  way  to  seriously 
weaken  or  permanently  check  it.  The 
forces  whose  working  led  to  the  negoti- 
ating of  this  treaty  are  so  many  and  so 
strong  that  the  final  triumph  of  arbitration 
is  as  sure  as  the  continuance  of  civilization. 
We  may  not  be  able  to  say  just  when  or 
where,  or  in  what  manner,  its  great  final 
triumph  will  begin,  but  of  the  certainty  of 
that  triumph  in  no  remote  future  there  can 
no  longer  be  any  reasonable  doubt.  When 
a  permanent  system  of  arbitration  is  once 
in  operation  among  the  civilized  nations, 
there  will  be  little  difficulty  in  extending 
it  to  the  still  uncivilized  quarters  of  the 
globe." 

i  So  I  wrote  in  1897,  ten  years  ago,  when 
{this  treaty  was  under  consideration  in  the 
Senate.  It  failed  of  approval  by  only  four 
votes,  a  two  thirds  majority  being  required 


V| 


The  Federation  of  the  World        uy 

for  ratification.  Since  that  time  the  Hague 
Conference  has  been  held,  the  International 
Court  of  Arbitration  established,  and  forty- 
seven  treaties  of  obligatory  arbitration  con- 
cluded between  nations,  two  and  two.  To 
none  of  these  is  the  United  States  a  partya 
the  eleven  treaties  signed  by  the  late  John 
Hay,  Secretary  of  State,  having  failed  to 
go  into  force  because  of  a  disagreement 
between  the  President  and  the  Senate  as  I 
to  their  respective  prerogatives  as  parts 
of  the  treaty-making  power.  The  arbitra- 
tion movement  has,  however,  developed  and 
strengthened  itself,  in  a  general  way,  be- 
yond the  expectations  of  the  most  sanguine 
ten  years  ago,  as  will  appear  from  the 
details  given  in  the  final  chapter  of  this 
edition. 


X 


The  United  States  of  the  World 

FTER  arbitration,  what?  Hosea 
Biglow's  advice,  "  Don't  never 
prophesy  onless  you  know,"  is 
most  excellent,  but  it  is  not  very  easy  to 
follow.  Every  man  of  love  and  goodwill 
has  something  of  the  prophetic  gift  in  him, 
and  must  make  his  forecast  of  the  outcome 
of  the  processes  in  whose  final  victory  he 
believes. 

Arbitration  jsfnot^he  highest  attainment 
of  which  humanity  is  capable  and  which  it 
is  destined  to  reach.  Arbitration  is,  as 
Goldwin  Smith  says,1  at  least  in  one  aspect 
of  it,  "a  litigious,  not  a  friendly  process, 
and  is  apt  to  leave  heartburnings  in  the 

1  See  article  on  "The  Arbitration  Treaty"  in  The 
Independent y  March  25,  1897. 


The  Federation  of  the  World        up 

nation  against  which  the  award  is  given." 
Though  all  that  I  have  said  of  the  advan- 
tages of  arbitration  is  true,  yet  the  arbitra- 
tion stage  is  one  of  very  imperfect  coop- 
eration, where  there  is  still  friction,  undue 
self-assertion,  distrust  and  more  or  lesj^ 
estrangement.  Beyond  it  is  a  stage  where  /  un- 
love and  trust  shall  everywhere  prevail,  and 
all  the  nations'  good  shall  be  each  nation's 
rule.  We  have  even  now  a  prophecy  of 
this  better  stage  which  is  to  be  reached  inJ 
the  relations  of  nations  to  one  another. 
There  are  already  multitudes  of  people  in 
our  civilized  society  who  live,  in  their  rela- 
tions to  one  another,  on  a  plane  entirely 
beyond  that  of  arbitration.  They  have  no- 
thing to  arbitrate  or  to  carry  to  the  courts 
of  law,  because  they  either  have  no  differ- 
ences, or  settle  such  as  they  have  by  the 
exercise  of  their  own  wits  tempered  with 
a  little  patience  and  mutual  forbearance. 
All  their  ordinary  dealings  with  one  an- 
other—  commercial,  social,  religious  —  are 
in   a  most   real   sense  cooperative.     This 


120         The  Federation  of  the  World 

\j  plass  of  persons  is  increasing  continually, 
and  they  are  paying  less  and  less  attention 
to  national  boundaries.  The  inevitable  out- 
come of  this  sort  of  living  among  men  in 
the  same  nation,  and  between  men  of  dif- 
ferent nations,  will  be  the  breaking  down 
of  international  friction,  the  gradual  dis- 
appearance of  differences  between  nations, 
and  the  final  evolution-  of  international 
society  to  a  state  in  which  even  arbitra- 
tion will  be  practically  unknown. 

In  the  movement  toward  T:his  higher 
state,  two  momentous  results  will  follow 
quickly  the  adoption  by  the  civilized  world 
of  a  general  permanent  system  of  arbitra- 
tion, namely,  the  reduction  of  armaments 
and  a  larger  and  more  generous  interna- 
tional cooperation.  It  is  not  easy  to  an- 
swer the  questions  raised  in  a  former  part 
of  this  discussion  as  to  how  the  "  bloated 
/  armaments  "   of  the  civilized  world  are  to 

/be  gotten  rid  of.     But  arbitration  is  cer- 

]  v  tainly  to  be  the  chief  mediating  agency  in 

preparing  the  way  for  their  removal.     It 


The  Federation  of  the  World        121 

has  already  done  much  in  pointing  the  way. 
While   a   system    of    arbitration   is   being 
worked  out,  by  the  slow  process  of  historic 
growth,  by  negotiation  and  treaty  stipula- 
tions, these  armaments  are  sure  to  grow*7 
further  both  in  extent  and  in  burdensome- 
ness,  bringing  for  a  brief  time  practically 
the  whole  world  under  their  heartless  tyr-  , 
anny.     At  least,  everything  at  the  present  ^ 
time  points  that  way ;  though  one  cannot 
say  what  unforeseen  event  may  come  about 
of  such  a  nature  as  suddenly  to  change  the 
course  which   things  seem  likely  to  take. 
In  spite  of  my  optimism  and  much  against 
my  wish,  the  conviction  has  grown  upon  me   , 
that  our  own  country,  as  well  as  others,  is   ! 
for_a  season  Jo  fall  more  and  more  under  the  j  x^\iJ^ 
curse  of  militarism,  as  it  fell  once,  contrary 
to  all  the  principles  of  its  Constitution,  under 
the  black  and  blighting  curse  of  slavery. 
The  people  are  still  only  half  awake  to  the 
insidiousness  of  the  war  spirit.     The  law    XiMKj 
of  animosity  and  distrust    has    its  charms 
for  many  of  them.     The  blare  and  blaze  of 


122        The  Federation  of  the  World 

the  great  military  establishments  of  the 
Old  World  furnishes  powerful  enticements 
to  the  spirit  of  a  young  and  mighty  people 
which  has  not  yet  had  experience  of  the 
ruinous  and  degrading  influences  of  military 
tyranny.  Many  in  high  places  believe,  or 
pretend  to  believe,  that  a  nation  cannot  be 
great  without  fighting,  without  sacrificing 
thousands  of  its  sons  on  the  battlefield, 
without  exhibiting  an  irritable  and  haughty 
spirit  toward  some  supposed  enemy,  and 
venting  its  wrath  in  deeds  of  blood.  This 
evil  seed  in  the  nation  is  sure  to  bring  forth 
its  deadly  harvest  unless  the  people  can  be 
awakened  speedily  from  their  slumber.1 

But  when  arbitration  has  at  last  come 
into  general  and  permanent  use  throughout 
the  civilized  world,  as  there  is  every  reason 
to  believe  that  it  will  after  a  generation  or 

1  Since  the  above  was  written,  the  war  with  Spain 

has  been  fought,  and  the  disposition  of  the  nation  to 

enter  upon  a  policy  of  military  and  naval  expansion  is 

much  stronger  than  it  was  before. 

^y     C~    In  the  ten  years  since  1897  the  government's  naval 

\  expenses  have  increased  three  hundred  per  cent. 


The  Federation  of  the  World        123 

two,  then  these  great  military  establish- 
ments with  all  their  abominations  will  come 
to  an  end.  The  end  of  them  may  come 
suddenly,  as  the  result  of  a jjreatjyaT,  or  a 
series  of  great  wars,  the  disastrous  results 
of  which  will  be  so  deeply  and  universally . 
felt  that  the  nations  will  never  again  permit 
militarism  to  take  root  and  grow.  The  end  ' 
is  morfij^ely^  to  come  by  a  process  of 
neglect  and  natural  decay,  when  arbitration, 
universally  adopted,  shall  have  made  the 
uselessness  of  such  war  preparations,  as 
well  as  their  wickedness  and  folly,  manifest, 
It  is  more  likely  still  to  come  through  simul- 
taneous and  gradual  disarmament,  entered 
upon  by  voluntary  agreement,  and  possibly 
in  connection  with  the  adoption  of  some 
general  system  of  arbitration.1 

1  Since  the  above  was  written,  in  1897,  little  practical 
progress  has  been  made  in  the  solution  of  the  problem 
of  disarmament.  The  Hague  Conference  in  1899,  the 
purpose  of  which  was  expressly  the  consideration  of  this 
subject,  went  only  so  far  as  to  pass  a  resolution  declar- 
ing "  that  a  limitation  of  the  military  charges  which  now 
weigh  upon  the  world  is  greatly  to  be  desired  in  the 


124         Tb*  Federation  of  the  World 

After  this  great  consummation,  the  fed- 
erative forces,  freed  from  the  immense  re- 
straint which  militarism  has  put  upon  them 
and  supported  by  the  vast  energies  and 
resources  now  consumed  on  destructive 
agencies,  will  work  out  the  unity  of  human- 
ity in  less  time  than  the  most  hopeful  of  us 
dare  to  imagine.  This  unity  will  ultimately, 
in  the  very  nature  of  the  case,  be  not  only 
kv  moral,  social  and  economic,  but  political  as 
well.  The  nature  of  man,  the  common  in- 
terests of  peoples,  the  great  currents  of 
Christian  and  humane  influence,  the  social, 
industrial  and  political  movements  of  our 
time,  the  new  modes  of  travel  and  inter- 
communication, the  development  of  inter- 
interests  of  the  material  and  moral  welfare  of  humanity." 
The  British  naval  expenditures  have  doubled  and  those 
of  the  United  States  have  trebled  in  ten  years.  The  past 
two  years,  however,  public  opinion  has  become  increas- 
ingly insistent  that  the  governments  shall  find  a  way  of 
escape  from  the  incubus  of  the  great  military  and  naval 
establishments.  The  British  government  and  House  of 
Commons  have  responded  to  this  public  demand,  as  will 
be  explained  in  the  last  chapter,  in  a  way  which  insures 
the  early  serious  study  of  the  subject. 


P  r. 


The  Federation  of  the  World        125 

national  law,  the  increasing  international 
cooperation  through  diplomacy,  conferences, 
commissions  and  arbitral  boards,  all  fore- 
shadow a  complete  political  unity  of  the 
world,  a  great  international  world  state,  built 
up  somewhat  on  the  pattern  of  our  union 
of  States,  with  supreme  legislative,  judicial 
and  executive  functions  touching  those  in- 
terests which  the  nations  have  in  common. 
The  reasons  for  such  an  over-state,  consti- 
tuted of  all  the  nations,  are  precisely  the 
same  as  for  a  federal  union  of  local  govern- 
ments extending  over  a  wide  territory,  like 
our  own  republic. 

These  reasons  will  readily  occur  to  any 
thoughtful  mind.  The  unification  of  law^j  , 
and  its  administration  is  among  the  first. J 
Many  consider  the  setting  up  of  the  Su- 
preme Court  to  have  been  the  chief  triumph 
in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 
The  world  needs  a  supreme  tribunal  to  take 
international  law  out  of  the  chaotic  and  re- 
proachful state  in  which  it  now  is  and  bring 
it  up  to  something  like  the  level  of  muni- 


126        The  Federation  of  the  World 

cipal  law  in  the  civilized  nations.  To  this 
end  it  would  seem  that  a  parliament  or  legis- 
lative corps  of  some  kind  would  be  neces- 
sary also,  and  likewise  a  common  executive. 
Not  less  important  a  reason  for  a  world 
state  is  the  removal  of  friction  and  the 
danger  of  war  by  the  creation  of  a  feeling 
s/ii  unity  in  a  common  organization.  One 
can  easily  imagine  what  the  history  of  the 
United  States  would  have  been  if  they  had. 
become  simply  States  without  any  conimon 
governmental  tie.  If  the  union  of  local 
governments  in  a  national  organization  has 
done  so  much  to  remove  friction  and  causes 
of  war  in  the  United  States,  in  Great  Brit- 
ain, in  France,  in  Italy,  in  Germany,  what 
might  not  be  expected  in  this  regard  from 
a  union  including  them  all  ? 

A  third  reason  for  an  international  gov- 
ernment is  the  ease  and  inexpensiveness 
with  which,  under  such  an  arrangement,  the 
common  interests  of  the  nations  could  be 
treated  and  adjusted.  If  the  United  States 
and  Canada,  for  instance,  in  addition  to  their 


The  Federation  of  the  World         127 

independent  local  governments,  were  each 
connected  with  a  wider  government,  charged 
with  the  duty  of  looking  after  the  interests 
common  to  the  two  governments,  —  the 
seal  question,  the  fisheries  question,  the 
border  immigration  question,  —  the  mu- 
tual trade  relations  between  the  Canadian 
people  and  our  own  would  long  since  have 
disappeared  from  the  forum  of  discussion. 
At  present  many  subjects  of  international 
concern  —  subjects  of  real  importance  — 
get  little  or  no  attention  ;  and  if  they  are 
taken  up,  they  are  often  treated  in  such  a 
narrow,  selfish  way  by  the  governments  in- 
terested that  frequently  for  years  they  are 
more  and  more  confused  by  diplomatic  sub- 
tlety, until  passion  becomes  hot,  and  the 
nations  are  compelled,  in  order  to  get  out 
of  the  muddle,  either  to  fight  or  to  resort 
at  last  to  a  little  common  sense.  It  is  just 
here  that  is  found  the  strongest  reason  for 
an  over-state.  These  neglected  interests, 
gathering  everywhere  on  the  borders  of 
states   as   now    organized,  and   interfering 


128         The  Federation  of  the  World 

with  the  normal  development  of  the  world 
society  which  is  so  rapidly  creating  itself, 
will  as  inevitably  compel  the  establishment 
of  a  general  world  government  as  did  the 
neglected  mutual  interests  of  the  thirteen 
American  colonies  force  the  setting  up  of 
the  United  States  general  government,  or 
those  of  the  German  states  the  German 
Empire. 

Along  what  lines  the  movement  toward 
this  general  world  government  will  take 
place  it  is  not  easy  to  forecast,  except  in  a 
general  way.  Two  or  three  courses  are 
open,  any  one  or  all  of  which  may  be  fol- 
lowed. The  United  States  of  America 
may  in  time  become  really  such.  The  very 
name  seems  to  be  prophetic.  Canada, 
Mexico  and  Central  America  may  some 
day,  of  their  own  accord,  ask  to  be  admit- 
ted into  a  federal  union  with  the  United 
States.  In  time  a  great  South  American 
republic  of  republics  may  be  formed, 
through  some  movement  or  groups  of  move- 
ments  akin  to  that  already  taking   place 


The  Federation  of  the  World         129 

among  the  Central  American  states1  and 
the  British  Australian  colonies.  Then  may 
follow  a  federation  of  the  two  American  con- 
tinents. The  United  States  of  Europe,  so 
long  dreamed  of  and  written  of  by  European 
reformers,2  seems  to-day  but  the  shadow  of 
a  name;  but  whoever  remembers  the  his- 
tory of  the  consolidation  of  France,  or  Italy, 
or  Germany,  or  the  still  more  remarkable 
history  of  the  consolidation  of  the  Swiss 
cantons  composed  of  peoples  of  different 
races,  speaking  different  languages,  into  a 
coherent  national  federation,  will  not  say 
that  a  United  States  of  Europe  is  an  im- 
possibility. On  the  contrary,  the  whole 
course  of  the  modern  history  of  nation- 
building  foreshadows  a   European   federa- 

1  This  movement  among  the  Central  American  states 
has  never  come  to  anything  permanent.  It  is  to  be 
hoped  that  the  present  (1907)  movement  for  settled 
peace  among  them  may  prove  effective. 

2  The  late  Charles  Lemonnier  of  Paris,  president  for 
many  years  of  the  International  League  of  Peace  and 
Liberty,  was  one  of  the  chief  promoters  of  the  idea  of  a 
United  States  of  Europe. 


ijo         The  Federation  of  the  World 

tion.  The  continent  of  Asia  may  some 
day  have  a  like  transformation  ;  and  that  of 
Africa,  too,  renewed  at  last  by  a  Christian 
civilization ;  and  that  of  Australia  before 
either  of  them,  if  one  may  judge  from  the 
federative  tendencies  already  showing  them- 
selves between  the  colonies  there. 

If  this  should  prove  to  be  the  way  in 
which  the  world  state  is  to  work  itself  out, 
the  islands  of  the  sea  will  group  themselves 
in  with  the  continental  federations  where 
they  naturally  belong.  At  last  these  con- 
tinental federations  will  flow  together  into 
a  great  world  federation,  the  final  political 
destiny  of  humanity,  where  all  the  larger 
hopes  of  love  and  fellowship,  of  peace  and 
happy  prosperity  lie. 

I  do  not  pretend  to  assert  that  the  actual 
order  of  movement  will  be  as  here  outlined, 
but  only  that  this  is  a  possible,  perhaps  a 
probable  order  in  which  the  federation  of 
the  world  will  come,  at  least  in  part.  This 
forecast  is  in  harmony  with  actual  historic 
processes  now  working,  and  having  for  gen- 


The  Federation  of  the  World         131 

erations  worked,  at  several  points  in  civi- 
lized society. 

Another  course  is  possible.  A  great  ra- 
cial federation,  as  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  peo- 
ple, may  come  first,  with  its  centres  of 
agglomeration  in  all  parts  of  the  world, 
which  will  gather  to  itself  by  an  irresistible 
moral  gravitation  all  other  peoples.  Racial 
federation^is_already  playing  its  part  very 
powerfully  in  the  processes  of  civilization. 
Several  races,  it  is  true,  are  exhibiting,  in 
greater  or  less  degree,  kindred  phenomena. 
But  racial  distinctions  are  in  many  respects  n 
beginning  to  break  down,  because  of  the  / 
intermingling  of  peoples  in  all  quarters  of  j 
the  globe.  What  may  be  styled  the  unij 
versal  human  characteristics,  those  belong- 
ing to  the  one  race  of  man  lying  at  the 
basis  of  all  sub-races,  are  destined  thus 
more  and  more  to  come  to  the  front  as 
against  those  which  have  marked  off  one 
portion  of  mankind  from  another.  That 
race,  whichever  it  may  prove  to  be,  which 
develops  these  general  human  characteris- 


132         The  Federation  of  the  World 

tics  most  fully  and  most  rapidly,  and  throws 
off  most  completely  all  that  is  adventitious 
and  unessential,  will,  in  the  nature  of  the 
1^  case,  prove  to  be  the  nucleus  or  furnish  the 
nuclei  about  which  civilization  in  all  parts 
of  the  world  will  crystallize.     Men  will  not 
care  at  last  by  what  racial  name  they  are 
called,  or  what  language  they  speak,  pro- 
vided their  highest  interests  of  every  kind 
/are  served.     They  will  feel  it  more  noble 
[  to  be  men  and  to  speak  the  one  universal 
I  language  of  men  than  to  be  Englishmen  or 
\Germans  or  Frenchmen,  and  to  speak  any 
pf  these  great   tongues.      Whatever  race 
shall  prove  itself  fittest  to  lead  in  this  fed- 
erative process,  whether  the  Anglo-Saxon, 
as  now  seems  possible,  or  some  other,  will 
\  itself  be   modified,   purified  and  strength- 
ened for  its  work  as  the  final  world  race 
I  by  what  it  receives  from  the  races  which  it 
draws  to  itself,  and  even  from  those  which 
through  weakness  shall  finally  be  eliminated. 
The  objections  which  may  be  brought, 
from  the  point  of  view  of  climate,  against 


The  Federation  of  the  World         133 

the  possibility  of  a  world  race,  with  more  uni- 
formity of  characteristics  than  is  found  in 
the  races  as  they  now  exist,  are  not  so  seri- 
ous as  might  at  first  glance  be  supposed. 
The  ease  and  rapidity  with  which  men  now 
travel,  the  expansion  of  ocean  traffic,  —  one 
might  almost  say  of  ocean  habitation, — and 
the  growing  habit,  on  the  part  of  multi- 
tudes of  families,  of  living  a  part  of  the 
time  in  one  quarter  of  the  globe  and  a  part 
in  another,  make  it  at  least  not  inconceiv- 
able that  the  time  may  come  when  there 
shall  be  much  less  difference  in  vigor  and 
enterprise  between  the  inhabitants  of  the 
tropics  and  of  the  temperate  zones  than 
there  is  to-day.  Climate  itself  is  probably 
in  this  indirect  way  to  be  one  of  the  con- 
quests of  the  coming  humanity.  Men  will 
come  more  and  more  to  be  inhabitants 
of  all  the  climates,  shifting  their  abodes 
quickly  from  place  to  place,  living  on  the 
seas,  as  an  increasing  number  now  do,  and 
thus  getting  the  best  out  of  all  parts  of  the 
world,  while  escaping  with  increasing  cer- 


VI 


to 


134        The  Federation  of  the  World 

tainty  the  weakening  influences  of  any  par- 
ticular part.  It  is  doubtless  true,  as  Mr. 
Kidd  argues,1  that  for  a  long  time  to  come 
the  tropics  will  have  to  be  developed  and 
in  some  manner  and  measure  controlled  by 
the  people  inhabiting  the  temperate  regions. 
But  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  the  rich 
tropical  regions  are  always  to  be  vassal, 
that  their  inhabitants  are  to  remain  per- 
manently incapable  of  self -development  and 
self-control.  The  new  world  race  which  is 
in  process  of  building,  by  transformation, 
absorption  and  elimination,  will  make  the 
matter  of  the  inhabitancy  and  self-develop- 
ment and  control  of  the  tropics  very  dif- 
ferent from  what  it  is  to-day. 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  state  that  this 
process  of  racial  expansion,  absorption  and 
federation   will,  if  it   goes  to  the   extent 
•  which  now  seems  probable,  result  ultimately 
[  in  the  selection  or  creation  of  a  single  lan- 
guage for  universal  use.      Even  now  the 

1  See  his  recently  published  book,  The  Control  of  the 
Tropics. 


The  Federation  of  the  World        1 35 

growing  intercourse  of  different  peoples  is 
forcing  upon  attention  the  necessity  of  a 
universal  language,  and  various  schemes  for 
the  creation  or  selection  of  a  language  for 
universal  use  have  been  devised.  But  a 
universal  language  cannot  be  artificially 
created ;  it  presupposes  and  requires  a  uni- 
versal people. 

The  process  of  racial  federation  here  out- 
lined seems  to  me  likely  to  play  even  a 
more  important  part  in  the  development  of 
the  world  state  than  that  of  simple  geo- 
graphical federation,  though  both  are  quite 
certain  to  work  together. 

It  is  not  unlikely  that  the  process  of  fed- 
eration, whether  it  go  on  in  one  or  both  of 
the  ways  above  indicated,  will  for  some 
time  to  come  not  be  entirely  unattended 
by  the  incidents  of  war.  One  could  wish 
that  it  might  be  otherwise.  The  federative  / 
forces  and  processes  are  in  their  nature  / 
pacific  and  opposed  to  the  methods  of  war. 
They  will  ultimately  make  war  impossible. 
But  in  the  present  confused  movements  of 


136  The  Federation  of  the  World 

society,  in  the  actual  relations  of  nations, 
small  and  great,  weak  and  strong,  to  one 
another,  there  is  so  much  of  ambition  and 
animosity,  so  much  of  ignorance  and  short- 
sightedness, intermingled  with  the  opera- 
tions of  the  elements  of  good,  that  progress 
toward  social  and  political  unity  is  sure  to 
be  attended  with  more  or  less  clashing  and 
discord.  But  whatever  compacting  and 
unifying  of  peoples  and  sections  of  the 
earth  is  seemingly  brought  about  by  the 
agency  of  war  is  really  not  due  to  it  at 
all,  but  to  the  federative  elements  in  men 
and  society  which  work  out  their  ends  in 
some  measure  in  spite  of  war  and  in  the 
very  midst  of  the  disasters  which  it  pro- 
duces. If  these  federative  forces  were  not 
present  war  would  always  be  disintegrating, 
or  if  it  produced  unity  at  all,  it  would  be 
he  unity  of  death  and  of  slavery,  whose 
evil  effects  would  have  to  be  repaired  be- 
fore any  real  social  progress  could  be  made. 
No  one  ought,  therefore,  to  be  blinded  as 
to  the  real  nature  of  war   because  of  its 


The  Federation  of  the  World        137 

seemingly  beneficent  agency  in  working 
out,  in  certain  cases,  the  desired  unity  of 
peoples  and  sections  of  the  earth. 

An  international  state  presupposes  in- 
ternational citizenship.  At  first  thought) 
such  a  thing  might  seem  impracticable] 
But  if  one  can  be  a  citizen  of  Pennsylvania 
and  of  the  United  States  at  the  same  timeA 
and  enjoy  the  privileges  and  feel  the  sacred 
obligations  of  both,  why  might  he  not  just 
as  easily  be  a  citizen  of  a  world  state  and 
of  some  particular  nation  simultaneously? 
The  elements  of  an  international  citizen- 
ship already  exist.  People  of  different  na- 
tions not  only  travel  everywhere,  but  stop 
and  live,  own  property  and  do  business,  pay 
taxes  and  submit  to  authority,  among  all 
other  peoples.  They  retain  the  rights  of 
citizens  at  home,  and  expect  and  receive 
most  of  the  rights  of  citizenship  among 
other  peoples.  Considerable  numbers  of 
these,  though  not  expatriating  themselves, 
never  return  to  the  country  of  their  formal 
citizenship.      The  principle  is  now  recog- 


/  $8        The  Federation  of  the  World 

nized  practically  everywhere  that  a  man 
has  the  right  to  live  anywhere  he  wishes 
on  the  surface  of  the  planet,  to  keep  his 
local,  citizenship  where  he  wants  it,  and 
at  the  same  time  to  enjoy  all  the  rights, 
privileges  and  immunities  of  local  citizen- 
ship where  he  resides,  except  governmental 
rights  in  constitutional  countries.  All  this 
development  of  international  rights  and 
privileges  in  our  day  points  to  a  time  not 
very  far  in  the  future  when  men  shall  liter- 
ally be  citizens  of  the  world,  and  a  world 
government  suitable  to  the  needs  of  world 
citizenship  shall  be  set  up  for  them. 

Along  with  this  international  citizenship, 
the  beginnings  of  an  international  or  world 
government  already  exist,  —  legislative,  ex- 

Secutive,  judicial,  —  in  a  decidedly  chaotic 
state,  it  is  true,  but  with  signs  of  coming  or- 
der. During  the  past  century  over  one  hun- 
dred international  congresses  met  to  deter- 
mine certain  questions  of  common  interest, 
as  the  Congress  of  Vienna  at  the  close  of 
the  Napoleonic  campaigns,  the  Congress  of 


The  Federation  of  the  World         i$g 

Paris  after  the  Crimean  war,  the  Congress 
of  Berlin  at  the  close  of  the  Russo-Turkish 
conflict,  and  the  Congress  of  Brussels  to 
regulate  certain  interests  in  Africa.  The 
Brussels  Congress  was  a  great  development 
in  humanity  over  that  of  Vienna,  and  even 
over  the  two  intervening  ones.  Why  should 
not  such  a  congress,  as  Professor  John 
Fiske  has  recently  suggested,1  meet  fre- 
quently in  the  future,  ultimately  become  a 
congress  of  all  nations,  and  finally  meet  at 
stated  times  —  say  once  in  five  or  seven 
years  —  and  in  a  fixed  place  or  places  ? 
There  is  nothing  irrational  or  impossible 
in  the  supposition,  and  the  trend  of  affairs 
is  certainly  in  that  direction. 

The  idea  of  a  congress  of  nations  was  a 
favorite  one  with  the  early  advocates  of 
peace,  and  was  thoroughly  elaborated  by 
them.2  Along  with  it  went  the  idea  of  a 
high   court   of   nations.     Such  a   court   is 

1  See  Mr.  Fiske's  article  on  "  The  Arbitration  Treaty  " 
in  The  Atlantic  Monthly  for  February,  1897. 

2  Essay  on  a  Congress  of  Nations,  by  William  Ladd. 


140        The  Federation  of  the  World 

- 
already  partly  evolved  out  of  the  arbitra- 
tion tribunals  and  temporary  international 
commissions  which  have  been  constituted 
for  the  settlement  of  various  questions 
raised  in  the  course  of  modern  international 
intercourse.  The  high  court  of  nations  will 
become  a  fixed  world-institution  before  a 
congress  of  nations  comes  to  meet  regu- 
larly. The  judiciary  is  becoming  more  and 
I  more  influential  in  our  time,  and  is  already, 
as  is  known,  leading  the  way  in  the  creation 
\  /  \  of  the  great  international  organization  of 
which  I  am  speaking.  The  various  con- 
gresses and  conferences  which  are  now 
annually  held  to  promote  the  cause  of  uni- 
versal peace  have  laid  particular  emphasis 
upon  the  idea  of  a  permanent  international 
tribunal  of  arbitration  to  take  the  place  of 
the  temporary  tribunals  constituted  for  the 
adjustment  of  differences  as  they  arise. 

The  action  of  the  nations  at  the  first 
Hague  Conference,  of  which  more  will 
be  said  in  subsequent  chapters,  has  al- 
ready put  the  court  of  nations  in  advance  of 


The  Federation  of  the  World        141 

the  congress  of  nations,  though  the  latter  is 
now  urged  with  increasing  emphasis  as  the 
necessary  counterpart  of  the  former. 

Among  the  beginnings  of  an  interna- 
tional government  may  also  be  mentioned 
the  generally  recognized  principles  of  inter-  v^ 
national  law,1  the  treaties  of  commerce  now 
so  numerous  and  important,  the  postal  and 
telegraph  unions  in  which  many  nations 
participate,  and  the  modern  diplomatic  and 
consular  service  which  binds  all  nations 
together  in  real  political  bonds.  It  is  an 
actual  fact  of  present  international  politics 
that  every  nation  —  every  civilized  nation 
at  any  rate  —  assists  in  governing,  and  is 
in  turn  partially  governed  by,  every  other 
nation,  either  directly  through  resident  di- 
plomacy, or  indirectly  through  the  power  of 
collective  public  opinion  expressing  itself  in 

1  See  J.  K.  Bluntschli's  Die  Bedeutung  und  die  Fort- 
schritte  des  modemen  Volkerrechts.     See,  also,  the  recent 
work  of  Professor  T.  J.  Lawrence,  The  Principles  of  In- 
ternational Law.     All  the  recent  works  on  international""") 
law  give  more  or  less  attention  to  the  subject  of  peace    / 
and  the  means  of  maintaining  it.  ^* 


142         The  Federation  of  the  World 

the  rules  of  international  law  or  in  various 
forms  of  concerted  international  activity  for 
what  is  supposed  to  be  the  common  good. 
There  is  much  that  is  crude  and  selfish, 
and  not  a  little  that  is  inhuman  and  cruel, 
in  this  incipient  international  government 
as  we  now  see  it  evolving;  but  there  is 
also  something  that  is  in  the  truest  sense 
humane  and  Christian,  and  this  latter  is 
clearly  increasing  with  the  passing  of  each 

a  decade.  The  public  opinion  of  the  world 
society,  as  it  is  now  capable  of  expressing 

\  itself  with  such  swiftness  and  concentra- 
tion, is  sure  to  force  the  cruel  and  the 
unjust  more  and  more  into  the  background 
and  to  establish  the  good  and  the  helpful. 

At  first  thought,  the  management  of  a 
world  government  might  seem  to  be  at- 
tended with  insuperable  difficulties,  because 
of  the  extent  of  territory  over  which  its 
administration  would  extend  and  the  great 
variety  of  national  character  and  institu- 
tions with  which  it  might  supposedly  have 
to  deal.    But  really,  with  our  present  means 


The  Federation  of  the  World        14} 

of  rapid  travel  and  practically  instantaneous 
communication  by  telegraph  and  cable,  the 
management  of  such  a  government  from  a 
single  centre  would  be  much  easier  than  it 
was  fifty  years  ago  to  govern  Ohio  from 
Washington,  or  the  north  of  England  from 
London.  Its  administration  would  also  be 
comparatively  easy  because  its  jurisdiction 
would  be  limited  to  a  few  great  subjects 
of  universal  character,  all  purely  national 
affairs  being  managed  as  now  by  the  re- 
spective nations  in  the  exercise  of  their 
local  sovereignty.  It  is  no  more  difficult  to 
administer  the  government  of  the  United 
States  than  it  is  that  of  the  State  of  Penn- 
sylvania or  of  Ohio,  and  less  so  than  it  is 
that  of  a  great  complex,  compact  munici- 
pality like  the  city  of  New  York  or  Chi- 
cago. The  farther  removed  government  is 
from  the  entanglements  and  friction  of  con- 
flicting local  interests  and  the  more  it  deals 
only  with  matters  of  wide  general  interest, 
the  easier  its  administration  becomes.  For 
these  reasons  it  does  not  seem  irrational 


144        Tbe  Federation  of  the  World 

to  suppose  that  a  world  government  might 
prove  in  practice  the  easiest  of  all  govern- 
ments to  administer,  at  least  from  the  point 
of  view  of  these  objections. 

As  to  the  enforcement  of  the  legal  en- 
actments of  the  world  government,  little 
difficulty  might  be  expected.  An  interna- 
tional police  is  certainly  not  impossible,  if 
it  should  ever  be  needed  to  enforce  the 
decrees  of  a  congress  of  nations.  Such  a 
state  as  we  are  supposing  will  not,  how- 
ever, be  established  until  arbitration  gener- 
ally prevails  and  war  is  practically  a  thing 
"'  of  the  past.  Law  will  then  need  few,  if 
any,  sanctions,  and  force  will  play  a  very 
small  part  in  its  execution.  The  sense  of 
yU  /  honor  and  loyalty  to  right  will  prove  amply 

sufficient  to  secure  obedience.  '  The  chief 
functions  of  the  government  of  the  world 
state  will  be  legislative  and  judicial,  and  its 
executive  duties  will  be  largely  those  of 
simple  direction  and  guidance  rather  than 
of  compulsion. 

With  the  setting  up  of  this  world  state, 


The  Federation  of  the  World        145 

whose  establishment  is  demanded  by  the 
as  yet  unfulfilled  destiny  of  the  race  and 
clearly  indicated  by  the  progress  of  society, 
the  peace  of  the  world,  so  far  as  that 
means  the  cessation  of  war,  will  be  forever 
sealed.  International  chaos  and  anarchy, 
as  they  now  so  deplorably  exist,  will  have 
passed  away.  Many  of  the  vexatious  ques- 
tions with  which  national  governments  now 
have  to  deal,  arising  as  they  do  from  inter- 
national complications,  will  disappear.  Na- 
tional governments,  like  our  present  state 
governments,  will  then  make  it  their  busi- 
ness to  care  for  and  promote  the  national 
interests  —  the  real  interests  of  the  people 
—  and  not  to  meddle  with  the  affairs  of 
other  peoples,  which  is  now  considered  in 
some  countries  the  chief  mark  of  states- 
manship. The  general  effect  of  all  this 
in  the  further  promotion  of  industrial  and 
social  prosperity  and  peace,  of  education 
and  religion,  will  be  magical.  The  whole 
of  human  society  will  feel  at  all  points  a 
thrill  of  new  life  and  hope.     Reason,  con 


h^ 


146        The  Federation  of  the  World 

science  and  law  will  be  enthroned.  Love 
and  goodwill  will  then  be  considered  strong 
and  worthy  motives,  as  is  none  too  fre- 
quently the  case  now. 

Such  an  organization  will  not  mean  the 
stagnation  or  the  end  of  civilization.  On 
the  contrary,  it  is  the  presupposition  of  a 
civilization  which  shall  be  truly  human  and 
Christian,  and  hence  vigorous  and  strong. 
The  thought,  the  energy,  the  material 
wealth,  now  consumed  in  destructive  rivalry 
will  be  turned  into  beneficent  cooperative 
enterprises,  and  the  earth  will  for  the  first 
time  in  its  history  really  begin  to  "  blossom 

\  like  the  garden  of  the  Lord."  Above  all, 
the  spirits  of  men,  delivered  from  the  bond- 
age of  hate  and  fear,  from  which  but  few 
anywhere  under  present  conditions  wholly 
escape,  will  be  free  to  enter  into  each 
other's  thoughts,  purposes  and  attainments, 
in  a  spontaneous,  natural  way,  which  will 
make  of  the  whole  race  a  wise,  strong, 
prosperous  and  happy  brotherhood,  such 
as  we  have  so  far  seen  in  but  small  por- 


The  Federation  of  the  World        147 

tions  of  it.  The  end  of  the  reign  of  inter- 
national hate,  —  the  beginning  of  the  reign 
of  universal  brotherhood,  —  who  can  mea- 
sure either  its  spiritual  or  its  material  sig- 
nificance ? 

I  do  not  delude  myself  into  supposing 
that  such  a  state  of  states  as  that  here  in- 
dicated can  be  artificially  created,  as  the 
French  philosophers  would  have  constructed 
off-hand  their  social  compact.1  States  grow 
before  they  are  made.  Their  formal  con- 
stitution, if  they  are  to  be  anything  more 
than  temporary  structures,  is  the  last  act 
in  a  drama  extending  over  long  periods.  So 
will  it  be  with  the  federation  of  the  world 
in  an  international  state.  What  leads  me 
to  believe  that  such  a  federation  is  com- 
paratively near  is  that  the  forces  and  pro- 
cesses which  are  evolving  it  have  been  long 
working,  and  that  in  recent  years  the  pro^ 
ducts  of  their  working  —  swift,  uniform  and 
well-nigh  universal  —  have  become  so  man- 

1  Du  conirat  social^  ou  principes  du  droit  politique^  by 
J.  J.  Rousseau. 


148        The  Federation  of  the  World 

/if  est  and  so  numerous  that  the  significance 
\  of  it  all  cannot  be  mistaken.  When  the 
wheat  is  knee-high  in  the  field  one  is  justi- 
fied in  believing  that  the  harvest  time  will 
come  soon,  unless  the  course  of  nature  goes 
awry.  The  great  idea  of  a  world  federation 
in  some  form  has  gotten  clearly  into  men's 
minds.  It  is  too  powerful,  too  attractive 
and  inspiring,  to  be  resisted.  It  appeals, 
both  on  the  material  and  the  spiritual  side, 
to  the  deepest  needs  and  to  the  loftiest 
hopes  of  the  race.  All  obstacles  to  its 
realization  will  be  broken  down,  if  not  to- 
morrow, then  afterwards.  How  soon,  will 
depend  largely  on  the  purpose,  the  intel- 
ligence, the  heart,  which  those  already  pos- 
sessed of  the  great  idea  shall  put  into  the 
work  of  reconstructing  and  reorganizing 
humanity  on  a  world  basis.  War,  with  its 
desolations  and  incredible  follies,  may  still 
sweep  over  portions  of  the  earth  while  the 
demons  of  distrust  and  violence  are  being 
least  out.  But  its  days  are  nearly  numbered. 
'Its  glory  is  fast  turning  to  shame.     It  is 


The  Federation  of  the  World        149 

everywhere  on  the  defensive.  The  great 
federative  movement,  which  has  been  gath- 
ering strength  for  nearly  twice  a  thousand 
years  of  Christian  progress,  —  nay,  in  whose 
pulses  is  beating  the  growing  life  of  all  the 
human  ages,  —  will  peacefully  occupy  the 
places  of  ruins  left  of  war,  and  will  build  at 
last  a  temple  and  city  of  concord  for  the 
whole  earth,  within  whose  holy  gates  the 
noise  of  battle  shall  never  be  heard. 

Tennyson's  dream  will  then  be  more  than 
realized  ;  there  will  be  no  longer  any  battle- 
flags  to  furl. 


XI 


The  First  Hague  Peace  Conference 


HE  International  Peace  Conference 
called  by  the  Czar  of  Russia,  and 
looked  forward  to  with  so  much 
interest  and  solicitude  when  the  first  edition 
of  this  book  was  published,  met  at  The 
Hague  on  the  18th  of  May,  1899,  and  con- 
tinued in  session  till  the  29th  of  July. 
Twenty-four  independent  nations  and  two 
semi-independent  ones  were  represented  in 
the  Conference.  All  the  European  nations, 
twenty  in  number,  two  from  North  America 
and  four  from  Asia,  sent  delegates.  Only 
those  which  had  diplomatic  representatives 
at  St.  Petersburg  had  been  invited.  These 
did  not  include  the  states  of  South  and 
Central  America. 
The  twenty-six  nations  represented,  with 


The  Federation  of  the  World        151 

their  dependencies  in  Asia,  Africa,  Aus- 
tralia, North  and  South  America  and  the 
oceans,  contain  over  twelve  hundred  mil- 
lions of  people,  or  more  than  four  fifths  of 
the  population  of  the  globe.  Territorially, 
not  much  less  than  five  sixths  of  the  earth's 
surface  was  represented.  The  whole  of 
Europe,  the  whole  of  North  America,  prac- 
tically the  whole  of  Asia,  the  Australian 
continent,  most  of  Africa  and  of  the  islands 
of  the  sea  participated,  by  direct  or  indirect 
representation,  in  this  unique  gathering. 
Only  South  and  Central  America  and  a  fewS 
small  sections  of  territory  elsewhere  had  (  / 
no  share  in  it.  It  was,  therefore,  both  inj 
point  of  populations  and  of  territory  repre- 
sented, much  more  nearly  a  world-confer- 
ence than  ever  before  gathered  in  human 
history. 

Looked  at  from  the  point  of  view  of 
language,  the  gathering  was  no  less  re- 
markable. No  such  array  of  tongues  ever 
came  together  before  since  the  differen- 
tiation of  human  speech  began.     Though 


I 


752        The  Federation  of  the  World 

French  was  the  official  language  of  the  de- 
liberations, the  delegates  spoke,  as  their 
native  tongues,  no  less  than  twenty  different 
languages.  One  might  have  heard  at  The 
Hague  English,  French,  German,  Spanish, 
Russian,  Italian,  Portuguese,  Chinese,  Jap- 
anese, Dutch,  Danish,  Norwegian,  Swedish, 
Greek,  Turkish,  Roumanian,  Bulgarian,  Ser- 
vian, Hungarian,  Polish,  Persian,  Siamese 
and  possibly  Arabic.  These  languages  are 
the  vehicles  of  the  science,  the  art,  the  lit- 
erature, the  commercial  transactions,  the 
political  wisdom,  the  religious  life  and 
thought  of  the  entire  modern  world.  Those 
not  in  this  list,  with  one  or  two  exceptions, 
stand  for  almost  nothing  in  the  permanent 
growing  life  of  the  world. 

From  another  kindred  point  of  view  the 
character  of  the  Conference  was  no  less 
significant.  The  men  of  which  it  was  com- 
posed were  among  the  most  eminent  public 
men  of  the  time.  More  than  thirty  of  them 
were  actual  ambassadors  or  ministers  pleni- 
potentiary of  their  governments  to  foreign 


The  Federation  of  the  World        15; 

courts,  the  men  who  constitute  the  most 
powerful  political  tie  binding  the  nations 
together  into  the  incipient  international 
government  to  which  reference  has  been 
made  in  a  previous  chapter.  The  cities  at 
which  these  embassies  and  ministries  were 
located  include  all  the  great  capitals  of  the 
civilized  world,  —  those  which  dictate  the 
policies  and  control  the  political  and  eco- 
nomic destinies  of  men  under  every  sky,  — 
Washington,  London,  Paris,  St.  Petersburg, 
Berlin,  Rome,  Vienna ;  and  a  number  of  the 
important  smaller  capitals,  as  The  Hague, 
Brussels,  Copenhagen,  Berne,  etc.  Among 
the  delegates  were  eminent  educators  from 
both  hemispheres,  distinguished  students 
and  expounders  of  international  law,  capable 
and  experienced  jurists,  eminent  cabinet 
officers,  senators  and  representatives,  mili- 
tary and  naval  experts  of  the  first  rank. 
This  body  of  public  men  might  doubtless 
have  been  duplicated  in  ability,  experience 
and  fitness,  but  it  could  not  probably  have 
been  surpassed  by  an  equal  number  from 


f) 


154        The  Federation  of  the  World 

among  living  statesmen  and  publicists. 
Many  of  these  men,  particularly  the  leaders 
in  the  Conference,  were  of  an  exceptionally 
high  moral  order  and  eminently  progressive 
in  their  ideas,  representing  political  human- 
ity, not  as  it  is  only,  but  as  it  ought  to  be 
and  gives  promise  of  being.  Practical  men 
though  they  were,  a  fine  idealism  lay  at  the 
heart  of  all  their  efforts  and  saved  them 
from  the  dreary  rounds  of  a  merely  formal 
finessing  diplomacy.  There  were  dusty 
conservatives  among  them,  but  they  were 
few  and  not  very  active. 

All  that  is  highest,  best  and  most  pro- 
mising, therefore,  in  modern  civilization  was 
representatively  present  in  this  great  inter- 
national gathering.  Some  of  the  inferior 
elements  of  the  time,  survivals  of  the  past, 
dead  weights  on  the  upward  movement  of 
the  world,  were,  to  be  sure,  present;  but 
they  counted  for  little  in  the  active  counsels 
of  the  Conference  and  in  its  decisions. 
What  was  done,  was  done  in  spite  of  them, 
at  least  without  their  aid.    But  this  element 


The  Federation  of  the  World        155 

was  so  small  that  it  is  hardly  fair  to  men- 
tion it  at  all.     The  outlook  of  the  Confer- 

j 

ence  was  toward   the  future,  and  all  that 
was  done,  insignificant  as  some  have  skep- 
tically thought  it   to  be,  was  done  in  the 
spirit  of  the  coming  time,  of  the  brother-   I   uP( 
hood,  unity  and  cooperation  of  humanity. 

From  the  foregoing  points  of  view  it  is  no 
exaggeration  to  say  that  the  Hague  assem- 
bly was  the  beginning  of  "  the  parliament 
of  man*"  the  first  in  what  we  are  justified 
in  believing  will  be  a  series  of  world-councils, 
through  which  humanity  as  a  whole  will 
deliberate  and  decide,  in  the  spirit  of  genu- 
ine fraternity  and  unrestrained  sympathy, 
upon  the  questions  of  universal  and  perma- 
nent interest  to  its  well-being.  How  far 
the  Conference  went  in  laying  the  founda-  y 
tions  for  "the  federation  of  the  world,"  in 
the  sense  in  which  this  has  previously  been 
spoken  of,  will  be  seen  further  on. 

After  what  has  been  said  in  previous 
chapters,  it  is  needless  to  dwell  here  more 
than  briefly  on  the  causes  which  led  to  the 


1 56        The  Federation  of  the  World 

Hague  meeting,  though  a  clear  view  of  their 
nature  is  necessary  for  a  proper  understand- 
ing of  the  relation  of  the  Conference  to  the 
future  federation  of  the  world.  One  must 
get  beyond  the  Czar's  Rescript  to  find  them. 
This  now  famous  document  —  which  has 
been  ranked  with  Magna  Charta,  the  De- 
claration of  Independence,  and  Lincoln's 
Emancipation  Proclamation,  but  which  in 
my  judgment  holds  a  unique  place  beyond 
these  and  every  other  political  paper  prior 
to  its  publication  —  had  its  origin  in  the 
same  sources  as  the  Conference,  of  whose 
work  it  was  only  the  preliminary  stage. 
The  Rescript  was  not  an  accident ;  it  was 
not  the  product  of  a  capricious  emperor's 
whim,  nor  of  a  nation's  long-headed,  schem- 
ing ambition.  Behind  it  were  the  accumu- 
lated forces  of  centuries  of  Christian  pro- 
gress. Its  origin  in  Russia  and  in  the  royal 
family  is  not  surprising  to  those  acquainted 
with  the  hereditary  peace  sentiments  of  the 
family  since  the  days  of  Alexander  I,  and 
with  the  fact  that  the  causes  which  made 


The  Federation  of  the  World        757 

such  a  conference  inevitable  had  long  been 
working  in  Russia,  some  of  them  more 
powerfully  there  than  elsewhere,  perhaps. 
The  Czar  was  only  the  mouth-piece  —  a 
willing  and  highly  praiseworthy  mouth- 
piece, of  course  —  of  longings,  purposes 
and  movements  of  which  he  himself  was 
rather  the  product  than  the  creator.  The 
need  of  Russia  in  this  regard  —  a  need 
voiced  in  the  utterances  of  Tolstoy  and  in 
the  great  work  of  Mr.  Bloch,  "  The  Future 
of  War  M  —  was  the  need  of  the  whole  civ- 
ilized world.  The  honor  of  the  Czar  in 
connection  with  the  matter  was  that  in  him 
and  his  nation,  in  spite  of  appearances  to 
the  contrary,  the  movement  of  civilized 
peoples  towards  relief  from  the  curse  of 
militarism  and  towards  fuller  friendship, 
larger  sympathy,  and  completer  and  more 
harmonious  cooperation  found  the  line  of 
least  resistance.  So  great  was  the  pressure 
throughout  the  civilized  world  towards  the 
end  which  the  Czar  proclaimed  as  worthy 
of  the  best  efforts  of  the  nations  combined, 


1 58        The  Federation  of  the  World 

that  when  the  Conference  met  his  work  was 
practically  done.  The  whole  matter  passed 
at  once  beyond  his  control.  While  acknow- 
ledging with  profound  respect  the  honor 
due  to  the  Russian  emperor  for  his  exalted 
service,  the  Conference  proceeded  to  do  the 
work  which  the  world  needed  done,  so  far 
as  it  could  be  accomplished  at  that  time, 
as  if  he  had  not  been  in  existence.  Called 
to  provide  especially  for  putting  a  check 
upon  the  ceaseless  growth  of  armaments 
and  war-budgets,  it  proceeded,  not  to  do 
this  at  all  directly,  but  to  lay,  in  its  provi- 
sion for  a  permanent  court  of  arbitration, 
the  political  foundations  of  ultimate  univer- 
sal and  permanent  peace,  without  which  the 
best  possible  plan  of  disarmament,  or  even 
of  reduction  of  armaments,  would  not  have 
had  the  least  chance  of  success. 

These  causes,  which  were  operating  pow- 
erfully in  all  Christian  lands,  which  moved 
the  Czar,  which  called  the  Conference  into 
existence  and  rallied  to  its  support  a  pow- 
erful public  sentiment  in  many  countries, 


The  Federation  of  the  World        i$g 

which  determined  its  spirit  and  controlled 
its  deliberations,  have  been  sufficiently  elu- 
cidated in  foregoing  chapters.  A  mere  re- 
hearsal of  the  most  prominent  of  them  is  all 
that  is  necessary  here.  The  development 
of  the  Christian  spirit  throughout  civilized 
lands,  the  movement  of  missions  into  all 
parts  of  the  world,  bearing  the  principles  of 
the  Fatherhood  of  God  and  the  divine  kin- 
ship of  men,  the  development  of  the  humane 
spirit,  the  advancement  of  education,  general 
intelligence  and  ethical  conceptions  and  sen- 
timents constitute  one  group  of  these  causes. 
Another  set  is  found  in  the  growth  and  ex- 
pansion of  commerce,  whose  marvelous  cos- 
mopolitanism has  united  all  the  nations  of 
the  earth  in  bonds  on  whose  maintenance 
depend  not  only  many  of  the  higher  refine- 
ments, but  the  very  life  itself  of  multitudes ; 
the  national  and  international  movements 
for  the  improvement  of  industrial  condi- 
tions ;  and  the  extended  and  intricate  mon- 
etary and  credit  systems  of  the  business 
world.      We   find    still   another   group   in 


160        The  Federation  of  the  World 

modern  methods  of  travel  and  intercommu- 
nication, by  which  all  parts  of  the  world,  all 
the  doings  and  happenings  of  men,  all  the 
characteristics,  customs  and  institutions  of 
peoples  are  brought  into  constant,  immedi- 
ate, in  many  cases  almost  instant,  contact 
with  one  another.  The  transformation  of 
political  ideas  and  institutions,  the  progress 
of  the  sense  of  justice  and  human  rights,  of 
democratic  government  and  the  consequent 
enlarged  sympathy  between  nationalities, 
furnish  a  fourth  group.  A  fifth  set  of 
causes  reveal  themselves  in  the  interna- 
tional congresses  political,  religious,  com- 
mercial, scientific,  historical,  philological, 
philanthropic,  etc.,  which  constitute  such  a 
marked  feature  of  the  modern  world.  A 
sixth  group  is  seen  in  the  system  of  modern 
"''diplomacy,  with  its  ministries  crossing  and 
intercrossing  between  the  capitals  of  all 
sovereign  states.  A  last  group  —  not  to 
pursue  the  enumeration  further — is  found 
in  the  various  organizations  and  lines  of  ef- 
fort for  the  direct  promotion  of  the  cause  of 


The  Federation  of  the  World        161 

international  arbitration  and  peace.  This 
includes  the  work  of  the  peace  societies 
and  congresses,  of  the  Interparliamentary 
Union,  of  the  International  Law  Association 
and  of  many  individuals  and  associations, 
put  forth  to  promote  larger  international 
friendliness,  the  settlement  of  disputes  by 
temporary  tribunals,  the  establishment  of 
treaties  of  arbitration  and  a  permanent  tri- 
bunal. If  one  remembers  all  these  groups 
of  causes,  acting  singly  and  combined,  and 
observes  their  swift  and  tremendous  ac- 
complishments, and  then  sets  before  his 
eyes  the  monstrous  obstacle  with  which 
they  have  to  contend,  hanging  like  a  para- 
lyzing nightmare  over  the  heart  of  the 
world,  — -the  all-devouring  militarism  of  the 
day  corrupting,  consuming,  threatening  with 
final  moral,  physical  and  political  ruin  the 
whole  race,  —  one  finds  little  difficulty  in 
understanding  the  gathering  of  such  a 
world-assembly  as  that  which  met  at  The 
Hague  on  the  18th  of  May,  1899. 
Turning  to  the  work  of  the  Conference, 


1 62        The  Federation  of  the  World 

its  spirit  and  its  results,  the  strongest  rea- 
sons are  found  for  magnifying  its  impor- 
tance as  a  historic  turniiig-poiiit  in  the  uni- 
*    (  fixation  of  the  world. 

When  the  Conference  met  there  was  gen- 
eral skepticism  among  its  members  as  to 
any  useful  results  likely  to  come  from  its 
deliberations.  Worse  than  this,  there  was 
a  certain  amount  of  levity  on  the  part  of 
some  delegates,  as  if  the  whole  thing  were 
ar  diplomatic  joke.  But  all  this  was  super- 
^ficial  and  lasted  but  a  day  or  two.  When 
the  delegates  came  together,  looked  into 
each  other's  faces,  saw  what  manner  of  men 
they  were,  began  to  think  seriously  of  the 
nature  of  the  mission  which  had  brought 
them  together,  and  learned  from  each  other, 
through  the  multitudinous  messages  and 
memorials  which  poured  in  upon  them,  how 
large  a  public  interest  in  the  Conference 
was  felt  in  all  civilized  lands,  the  levity  and 
skepticism  vanished.  Under  the  lead  of 
a  few  eminent  men,  —  Hon.  Andrew  D. 
White,  Sir  Julian  Pauncefote,  Mr.  de  Staal, 


The  Federation  of  the  World        163 

Mr.  L6on  Bourgeois,  and  Mr.  Auguste 
Beernaert,  —  men  whose  names  will  some 
day  outrank  those  of  any  of  the  great  his- 
toric leaders  of  military  campaigns,  the  task 
which  had  called  them  together  began  to 
reveal  its  immense  significance  and  was 
taken  seriously  in  hand. 

In  order  to  study  critically  the  three 
important  subjects  indicated  in  the  Czar's 
second  circular,  —  the  laws  of  war,  reduc- 
tion of  armaments,  and  the  pacific  settle- 
ment of  international  disputes,  the  Confer- 
ence was  divided  into  three  sections,  in 
each  of  which  every  nation  participating 
was  represented.  No  more  faithful  and 
conscientious  work  was  ever  done  by  any 
body  of  men  than  was  done  in  these  sec- 
tions and  their  sub-committees  during  the 
two  months  of  critical  study  which  they 
gave  to  the  subjects  before  them.  There^ 
was  no  diplomatic  finessing  over  green 
tables,  no  disposition  to  evade  the  real 
issues  by  a  show  of  fine  words  and  mean- 
ingless formulas,  no  dodging  of  difficulties, 


164        The  Federation  of  the  World 

no  effort  to  turn  the  Conference  to  other 
ends  than  those  for  which  it  had  assembled, 
no  admission  to  consideration  of  worthy  ob- 
jects with  which  it  was  not  competent  to 
deal. 

Not  only  was  the  Conference  remarkable 
for  the  practical,  straightforward  and  con- 
scientious way  in  which  it  did  its  work,  but 
the  spirit  of  harmony  and  cooperation  which 
animated  it  was  as  fine  as  it  was  unexpected. 
It  would  have  been  a  credit  to  any  national 
assembly.  There  had  been  talk,  on  the  eve 
of  the  gathering,  of  cliques  and  rings  and 
political  combinations,  to  take  advantage  of 
the  occasion  for  the  accomplishment  of  cer- 
tain national  schemes.  But  none  appeared. 
The  Conference  moved  as  one  body,  ani- 
mated with  one  spirit,  from  beginning  to 
end.  The  incident  of  the  German  opposi- 
tion to  any  measure  of  obligatory  arbitra- 
tion was  no  real  exception.  The  objection 
/was  made  in  an  open  and  straightforward 
way.  The  Conference  met  it  in  a  consider- 
ate and  conciliatory  spirit,  and  the  result 


The  Federation  of  the  World        165 

was  that,  though  the  German  delegation 
had  up  to  that  time  stood  silent  and  aloof, 
they  afterwards  fell  into  line  and  worked  in 
sympathy  and  harmony  with  the  rest  of  the 
body.  There  was  no  concealment  of  thought 
among  the  delegates,  no  assumption  of  su- 
periority by  one  over  another,  no  lobbying 
for  position  and  precedence,  no  browbeat- 
ing, no  effort  of  the  delegates  of  the  great 
nations  to  override  those  of  the  small.  You 
would  not  have  suspected  that  Ambassador 
De  Staal,  the  distinguished  president  of  the 
Conference,  was  from  a  great  power  and 
Mr.  Beernaert  of  Belgium  from  one  of  the 
smallest.  National  chauvinism,  suspicion 
and  soreness  were  entirely  absent.  Paunce  J 
fote  of  England  fraternized  in  the  most  in- 
timate and  sincere  way  with  Bourgeois  of 
France.  During  all  the  earnest  and  long- 
continued  discussions,  opinions  were  con- 
siderately heard  and  mutually  respected. 
The  one  purpose  which  ruled  the  delibera- 
tions was  to  find  out  how  much  could  be 
done,  with  th^  support  of  all  the  delegates, 


166        The  Federation  of  the  World 

towards  the  accomplishment  of  the  objects 
for  which  the  Conference  had  been  called. 
The  friendly  relations  between  the  dele- 
gates grew  stronger  and  stronger  till  the 
very  end. 

It  may  be  said  that  the  occasion  de- 
manded just  such  a  spirit  as  this.  That  is 
true.  But  occasions  often  get  disappointed. 
Men  in  the  best  national  assemblies  some- 
times so  far  forget  the  peaceful  self-com- 
posure demanded  of  them  as  to  indulge 
in  throwing  congressional  reports  and  law 
books  at  each  other's  heads.  It  is  one 
of  the  most  remarkable  things  about  the 
Hague  gathering  that,  notwithstanding  the 
jealousies  and  friction  between  several  of 
the  powers  represented,  the  spirit  appropri- 
ate to  the  occasion  did  not  once  break  down 
but  grew  in  strength  steadily  till  the  close. 
How  shall  we  interpret  this  extraordinary 
occurrence,  where  exactly  the  opposite  had 
been  expected  and  prophesied  ?  We  are 
justified  in  believing,  it  seems  to  me,  that 
this  lofty  spirit  was  imperatively  imposed 


The  Federation  of  the  World        167 

upon  the  Conference.  It  was  a  necessary- 
public  expression  of  the  larger  feeling  of 
unity  and  cooperation  now  so  extensively 
prevailing  among  the  nations  of  the  world, 
in  spite  of  the  animosities  and  feuds  in- 
herited from  the  past.  Are  we  wrong  in 
setting  it  down  as  a  prophecy  of  the  spirit , 
which  shall  one  day  prevail  in  all  interna- 
tional councils  met  to  deliberate  upon  the 
large  common  interests  of  the  peoples  of  the 
world,  —  a  spirit  which  shall  at  last  break 
down  all  international  prejudices,  remove 
the  sting  from  all  international  differences 
and  thus  make  war  forevermore  impossi- 
ble? 

Passing  to  the  practical  results  obtained 
at  The  Hague,  the  foremost  of  them  may  be 
set  down  as  the  Conference  itself,  the  fact 
that  such  a  meeting  was  held  and  did  some 
notable  work  in  a  harmonious,  cooperative 
spirit.  It  was  a  unique  gathering.  No  such 
meeting  had  ever  before  been  attempted  in 
the  annals  of  man,  —  an  official  meeting  of 
statesmen  from  many  lands,  for  the  pure 


1 68        The  Federation  of  the  World 

purposes  of  peace.  Men  derided  the  Czar 
as  a  foolish  dreamer,  and  said  that  it  could 
not  be  done,  that  it  was  foredoomed  to  fail- 
ure. These  powers,  with  their  ambitions, 
their  historic  dislikes,  their  mutual  distrust, 
their  great  armies  massed  against  one  an- 
other, could  not  possibly  send  together  a 
lot  of  men  who  would  not  quarrel  and  break 
up  in  confusion,  and  make  the  world  more 
distracted  than  before.  But  the  thing 
which  the  skeptics  said  could  not  be  done 
was  done,  with  most  marked  success.  It 
has  thus  been  proved  that,  in  spite  of  their 
dislike  and  fear  of  one  another,  the  nations 
can  come  together  in  the  spirit  of  men  and 
brothers  and  discuss  and  decide  upon  great 
and  delicate  questions  of  common  concern. 
The  most  difficult  of  all  international  deeds 
has  been  done.  What  the  nations  have 
found  easy  to  do  they  are  certain  to  do 
again,  and  out  of  the  Hague  Conference  is 
sure  to  come,  as  many  of  the  delegates 
believed,  a  series  of  similar  conferences 
constituting   an   entirely  new  era   in   the 


The  Federation  of  the  World        i6g 

management  of  international  affairs.  This 
is  an  attainment  of  the  first  magnitude.  If 
the  Conference  had  done  nothing  beyond 
this,  it  would  have  abundantly  justified  it- 
self and  done  much  toward  the  ultimate 
unification  of  the  world. 

Of  the  three  measures  agreed  upon  by 
the  Conference  the  least  important,  at  first 
sight,  would  seem  to  be  that  which  gives  a 
new  and  improved  statement  of  the  laws 
and  customs  of  war.  It  has  been  often  / 
said,  with  perfect  truth,  not  only  by  the 
advocates  of  peace  but  by  the  foremost 
military  men  themselves,  that  war  is  es- 
sentially cruel  and  infernal  and  that  it  can- 
not be  civilized  and  humanized.  Two 
things,  however,  may  be  said  in  behalf  of 
what  is  called  humanizing  war.  First,  it 
is  the  result  of  international  cooperation. 
Now,  international  cooperation  for  the  re- 
striction, in  any  measure,  of  a  recognized 
evil  is  a  very  valuable  thing.  It  brings  the 
whole  body  of  international  thought  and 
public  opinion  to  bear  upon  the  evil,  and 


lyo        The  Federation  of  the  World 
under  the  searchlight  of  this  united  opinion 
the  evil  is  sure  to  pass  more  and  more  into 
disfavor.     It  is  in  this  way  that  much  of 
the  opposition  to  war  itself  as  an  inhuman 
and  irrational  method  of  settling  disputes 
has  grown  up.    It  is  a  most  instructive  his- 
torical fact  that  the  whole  body  of  modern 
international  law  grew  out  of  the  great  work 
of   Hugo  Grotius  on  the  law  of  war  and 
of  peace  (Be  Jure  Belli  ac  Pads),  a  work 
written,  not  to  oppose  war  in  itself,  but  its 
side  excesses,  its  unnecessary  cruelties  and 
the   rashness  and  morbid  eagerness  with 
which  it  was  entered  into  by  the  princes  of 
his  time.     When  Grotius  wrote  his  book, 
war  was  a  game  of  which  there  were  no 
rules.    There  were  no  limits  to  the  excesses 
of  soldiers  off  the  field  of  battle,  and  none 
to  the  extent  to  which  any  conflict  might 
-"spread.     To-day  wars  do  not  often  spread 
beyond  the  parties  to  the   dispute.     The 
nations  form  a  cordon  around  them   and 
keep  the  bloody  business  within  the  ropes. 
Prisoners  are   no  longer,   save   in   excep- 


The  Federation  of  the  World        171 

tional  cases,  mercilessly  abused  and  killed. 
Non-combatants  are  respected,  and  many 
shocking  evils,  once  of  e very-day  occur- 
rence, are  almost  unknown.  International 
cooperation  in  restricting  war  and  cutting 
off  many  of  its  attendant  cruelties  and  suf- 
ferings has  created  an  international  con- 
science in  regard  to  these  things,  without 
the  pressure  of  which  we  should  have  had, 
with  modern  perfection  of  instruments  of 
death,  a  series  of  great  conflicts  attended 
with  every  variety  of  horror,  which  would 
have  left  the  civilized  lands  a  "howling 
wilderness."  The  Hague  Convention,  fur- 
ther enlarging  and  more  clearly  defining 
the  restrictions  now  imposed  upon  com- 
batants, may  be  expected  to  carry  this  hu- 
mane movement  still  farther,  bearing  with 
it  an  ever-increasing  dread  of  and  moral 
revulsion  from  the  battlefield  itself,  whose 
cruel,  ghastly,  loathsome  nature  can  never 
be  changed  until  it  ceases  to  be. 

The  other  value  of  what  is  called  human- 
izing war  is  that  this  process  carries  the 


iy2        The  Federation  of  the  World 

sentiments  and  practice  of  kindness  and 
mercy  nearer  to  the  heart  of  the  evil.  It 
is  out  of  the  prevalence  of  these  senti- 
ments in  the  hearts  and  practices  of  men 
that  the  abolition  of  war  must  ultimately 
come,  if  it  ever  comes.  Whatever,  there- 
fore, enlarges  the  practical  sphere  of  social 
kindness  and  tenderness,  even  though  it  be 
on  the  borders  of  the  conscience-deadening 
battlefield,  will  cause  society  in  general  to 
look  with  increasing  horror  and  intolerance 
on  the  slaughter  and  fury  of  battle,  in 
which  is  found  not  a  single  element  of 
humanity  and  mercy. 

The  Convention  providing  for  the  exten- 
sion of  the  work  of  the  Red  Cross  societies 
to  maritime  warfare  needs  little  comment. 
All  that  has  been  said  of  the.  Convention 
in  regard  to  the  laws  of  war  is  applicable 
with  much  greater  force  to  this;  for  the 
work  of  the  Red  Cross  is  one  of  pure 
mercy.  Besides,  a  maritime  Red  Cross 
is  the  logical  completion  of  that  provided 
for  in  the  Geneva  Convention  of  1864  in 


The  Federation  of  the  World        173 

connection  with  land  warfare.  Before  the 
Hague  Conference,  Red  Cross  work  had 
already  been  done  in  connection  with  some 
naval  battles  under  the  general  provisions 
of  the  Geneva  Convention.  Though  the 
Conference  did  not  break  new  ground  in 
this  direction,  it  did  a  very  great  service  by 
providing  for  the  official  extension  of  this 
humane  institution  from  the  land  surface  of 
the  globe  to  the  three  times  greater  water 
surface,  on  which  probably  most  of  the 
battles  of  the  future  will  be  fought. 

On  the  subject  of  reduction  of  arma- 
ments, the  chief  object  for  which  the  Con- 
ference was  called,  nothing  directly  was ' 
done.  The  matter  did  not  even  come  to 
serious  discussion.  Many  of  the  members, 
and  some  entire  delegations,  felt  deeply 
that  something  ought  to  be  done  for  the 
relief  of  Europe.  But  when  the  subject 
was  brought  forward  by  Mr.  De  Staal,  on 
behalf  of  Russia,  Germany  immediately 
opposed.  The  sentiment  in  favor  of  action 
was  so  weak  in  other  prominent  delegations, 


IJ4        The  Federation  of  the  World 

and  the  general  feeling  so  strong  that  pub- 
lic sentiment  in  the  nations  would  not  sup- 
port any  effective  measure,  that  the  subject 
was  dropped.  But  by  the  manner  in  which 
it  was  dropped  the  Conference  went  a  long 
way  in  preparing  the  ground  for  future 
action.  A  resolution  was  introduced  by 
the  first  delegate  from  France,  Mr.  Bour- 
geois, and  unanimously  adopted,  declaring 
it  to  be  the  judgment  of  the  Conference 
"  that  the  limitation  of  the  military  charges 
resting  upon  the  world  is  greatly  to  be  de- 
sired, for  the  increase  of  the  material  and 
moral  well-being  of  humanity."  This  reso- 
lution was  a  corporate  condemnation  of  the 
present  system  of  "bloated  armaments/' 
whose  private  condemnation  had  already 
become  deep  and  widespread  among  the 
peoples.  When  a  great  public  evil  is  thus 
publicly  condemned  by  a  representative 
body  of  men  acting  officially,  the  evil  is 
doomed,  however  far  off  may  be  the  day 
>,v  when  it  shall  be  put  on  the  scaffold. 

Besides  their  doubt  about  the  support  of 


The  Federation  of  the  World        175 

the  governments  and  public  opinion  at 
home,  many  members  of  the  Conference 
felt  that  any  scheme  of  reduction  of  arma- 
ments would  be  sure  to  fail  unless  there 
were  first  in  successful  operation  a  well- 
devised  system  of  settling  international 
controversies  by  peaceful  means.  For  this 
reason,  as  well  as  for  its  own  sake,  they  set 
themselves  so  earnestly  to  prepare  a  scheme 
for  a  permanent  international  court  of  ar- 
bitration. In  addition  to  laying  the  corner- 
stone of  future  disarmament  in  the  drafting 
of  this  great  scheme,  the  Conference  also 
did  something  more  in  the  same  direction. 
It  declared  itself  in  favor  of  the  prohibi- 
tion of  the  dropping  of  projectiles  and  ex- 
plosives from  balloons,  of  the  employment 
of  projectiles  designed  to  emit  asphyxiat- 
ing gases,  and  of  the  use  of  explosive  or 
expansive  bullets ;  only  the  United  States  / 
and  Great  Britain  failing  to  record  their  j 
votes  in  favor  of  the  last  two  prohibitions. 
The  Conference  did,  therefore,  much  to- 
ward preparing  the  way  for  disarmament, 


ij6        The  Federation  of  the  World 

the  necessity  of  which  is  felt  more  and 
more  powerfully  each  year  in  Europe. 

Much  the  most  important  of  the  three 
conventions  drawn  up  by  the  Conference 
was  that  providing  for  the  pacific  settle- 
ment of  international  controversies  by 
means  of  commissions  of  inquiry,  media- 
tion and  a  permanent  court  of  arbitration. 
Around  this  centred  the  interest  of  the 
Conference.  The  delegates  felt  that  pub- 
lic sentiment  was  ripe  for  action  in  this 
direction.  Numerous  messages  came  to 
them  from  all  quarters  of  the  civilized 
world.  They  had  before  them  the  suc- 
cessful issue  of  more  than  a  hundred  im- 
portant arbitrations.  The  development  of 
international  relations  and  international 
law  had  prepared  the  way  for  action.  Four 
of  the  great  powers  represented  —  the 
United  States,  Great  Britain,  Russia,  and 
Italy  —  brought  with  them  well-digested 
plans  for  a  general  arbitration  convention. 
There  was  no  way  of  escape  from  the  duty 
pressed  home  to  the  Conference  from  all 


The  Federation  of  the  World        lyy 

sides.  No  attempt  was  made  to  escape  it, 
unless  possibly  the  action  of  the  German 
delegation  in  the  early  part  of  the  Confer- 
ence may  be  called  such.  The  subject  was 
taken  up  with  an  interest  and  zeal  which 
surprised  even  the  most  ardent  advocates 
of  peace.  There  was  no  contest  in  getting 
it  forward.  Not  a  speech  was  made  in 
opposition.  There  was  no  fear  of  going 
beyond  what  the  governments  and  peoples 
at  home  would  support.  For  two  months, 
day  after  day,  the  subject  was  wrestled 
with  by  the  ablest  men  of  the  Conference 
—  experienced  diplomats,  experts  in  inter- 
national law,  jurists  of  large  legal  experi- 
ence. The  result  was  a  document  which 
must  always  hereafter  be  considered  as  thef 
Magna  Charta  of  the  <6ew  internationalism  ^  \ 
of  peace,  the  reign  of  love  and  law,  which 
is  to  take  the  place  of  the  spirit  of  hate 
and  the  method  of  "  blood  and  iron." 

It  has  been  charged  that  the  members  of 
the  Conference,  finding  that  nothing  could 
be  done  in  the  way  of  disarmament,'  and 


/  78        The  Federation  of  the  World 

feeling  that  they  must  not  totally  disap- 
point those  at  home  who  were  expecting 
so  much  of  them,  in  sheer  desperation  fell 
upon  the  subject  of  arbitration.  No  greater 
freak  of  fancy  than  this  was  ever  recorded. 
/  Arbitration  came  to  the  front  at  The  Hague 
v_because  it  belonged  there.  After  a  century 
of  the  most  unqualified  success  in  the  ad- 
justment of  many  and  perplexing  disputes 
it  came  to  the  Conference  to  have  the 
crown  of  the  world's  public  approbation  of- 
ficially set  upon  its  head.  And  the  setting 
of  this  crown  in  the  form  of  a  permanent 
court  of  arbitration  was  as  serious  and 
devout  a  political  proceeding  as  any  page 
of  history  can  show. 

A  brief  examination  of  the  principal  fea- 
tures of  this  great  scheme  will  give  us  a 
right  conception  of  the  influence  which  it 
is  likely  to  have  in  diminishing  resort  to 
war  and  in  promoting  larger  international 
trust  and  fellowship. 

The  first  part  of  the  convention  provides 
for  mediation.      The  powers  entering  into 


The  Federation  of  the  World        iyg 

the  treaty  agree  that  in  case  of  grave  dif- 
ference of  opinion  they  will,  before  appeal- 
ing to  arms,  have  recourse,  as  far  as  cir- 
cumstances permit,  to  the  good  offices  or 
mediation  of  one  or  more  powers.  The 
form  recommended  is  that  each  of  the  dis- 
puting states  shall  choose  one  power,  and 
the  two  powers  so  chosen  shall  have  charge 
for  thirty  days,  unless  some  other  time  is 
specially  agreed  upon,  of  the  matter  in 
dispute,  with  a  view  to  amicable  arrange- 
ment. Provision  is  also  made  that  powers 
not  interested  in  the  dispute  may  offer  their 
good  offices,  even  during  the  course  of  hos- 
tilities, and  that  the  exercise  of  this  right 
shall  never  be  considered  by  either  of  the 
disputants  as  an  unfriendly  act. 

The  theory  of  this  scheme  of  mediation 
is  that  time  for  cool  deliberation  is  of  the 
utmost  importance  in  the  case  of  serious 
differences,  and  that  disinterested  powers 
are  much  more  likely  to  find  a  way  of 
honorable  compromise  than  those  directly 
concerned.     Mediation  at   the  request  of 


L^ 


1 80        The  Federation  of  the  World 

contending  states  is  already  a  well-known 
practice  in  international  relations.  This 
scheme  greatly  extends  its  scope.  It  makes 
mediation  possible  before  the  outbreak  of 
hostilities,  and  also  on  the  initiative  of 
neutral  states.  It  puts  every  nation  enter- 
ing into  the  convention  under  the  friendly 
eye  and  consideration  of  all  the  other 
nations.  Its  adoption  is  a  solemn  public 
declaration  by  the  nations  jointly  that  they 
are  a  family,  and  that  every  dispute  between 
two  of  them  is  in  some  measure  the  concern 
of  every  other  member  of  the  family.  The 
recommendations  of  the  mediating  powers 
e  to  have  no  compulsory  force,  but  it  is 
not  likely  that  disputing  states  asking  for 
mediation  or  consenting  to  it  would  ever 
reject  the  friendly  counsel  given.  The 
sense  of  honor  would  be  sufficient  to  secure 
their  assent,  just  as  it  has  secured  the 
acceptance  of  the  judgments  rendered  by 
courts  of  arbitration  for  more  than  a  hun- 
dred years.  To  what  extent  the  nations 
will  resort  to  mediation  under  this  conven- 


The  Federation  of  the  World        181 

tion  only  time  can  determine.  The  lessons 
of  history,  the  sense  of  obligation  imposed 
by  the  adoption  of  the  convention,  and  the 
increasing  complexity  of  international  rela- 
tions make  it  fairly  certain  that  the  scheme 
will  not  long  remain  unused. 

The  second  part  of  the  convention  pro- 
vides for  joint  commissions  of  inquiry,  in 
less  serious  cases,  where  disputes  arise  from 
divergence  of  opinion  as  to  matters  of  fact. 
These  commissions  are  to  make  an  impar- 
tial and  conscientious  examination  of  the 
facts  in  the  case,  and  report  the  result  of 
their  investigations  to  the  governments  in- 
terested. Here  their  work  ends.  The  value 
of  such  preliminary  investigation,  before  an 
attempt  is  made  to  arrive  at  agreement,  can- 
not be  overestimated.  Misunderstanding  as 
to  facts  often  creates  irritation  and  bitter- 
ness for  which  there  is  no  ground  whatever, 
and  many  wars  have  resulted  from  just 
such  an  irrational  state. of  affairs.  Once 
take  time  fq£  coolyand  deliberate  inquiry, 
and  clear  up  all  questions  of  fact,  as  these 


1 82        The  Federation  of  the  World 

commissions  would  be  expected  to  do,  and 
more  than  half  the  supposed  causes,  not  of 
war  only  but  also  of  senseless  contention 
and  railing,  would  be  swept  entirely  away. 

The  remainder  of  the  convention  deals 
with  the  subject  of  arbitral  justice  and  the 
permanent  international  court  of  arbitration. 
Here  the  Conference  did  its  real  work,  — 
the  work  which  will  give  it  its  high  place 
of  honor  in  coming  time,  the  work  which 
opens  a  new  era  in  the  history  of  humanity. 

The  convention  provides  that  each  of  the 
nations  entering  into  the  agreement  shall 
appoint,  as  members  of  the  court  for  a  term 
of  six  years  subject  to.reelection,  not  more 
than  four  persons  of  recognized  competency 
in  dealing  with  questions  of  international 
law  and  of  the  highest  moral  reputation. 
From  this  body  of  men,  always  in  existence, 
always  studying  and  developing  international 
law,  always  having  before  them  the  class  of 
questions  about  which  differences  between 
nations  arise,  shall  be  chosen  a  certain 
number  to  act  as  arbitrators  whenever  two 


The  Federation  of  the  World       183 

governments  wish  to  refer  a  controversy  to 
the  court.  Except  in  case  of  special  agree- 
ment the  number  to  be  chosen  is  five,  two 
by  each  of  the  powers  and  an  umpire  by 
these.  A  bureau  of  the  court  is  established 
at  the  Netherlands  capital,  which  is  to  serve 
as  the  office  of  record,  and  as  the  interme- 
diary of  all  communications  relating  to  the 
sittings  of  the  court.  The  convention  also 
provides  for  a  permanent  Council  of  Admin- 
istration, to  be  composed  of  the  diplomatic 
representatives  of  the  signatory  powers  ac- 
credited to  The  Hague,  and  presided  over 
by  the  Netherlands  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs.  This  Council  is  to  organize  and 
direct  the  bureau,  to  have  the  decision  of 
all  administrative  questions  relating  to  the 
working  of  the  court,  and  to  make  a  report 
yearly  to  the  governments  of  the  work  of 
the  court  and  of  the  expenses. 

The  use  of  the  court  by  the  signatory  ^^ 
powers  is  to  be  entirely  voluntary.     Obli-A 
gatory  arbitration  could  not  be  reached  by  \  ~" 
the  Conference.    But  though  resort  to  the 


184        The  Federation  of  the  World 

court  is  voluntary,  it  isv.  morally  certain 
that  nations  which  have  of  their  own  ac- 
cord set  up  a  tribunal  of  such  high  char- 
acter, in  which  will  be  found  the  foremost 
international  jurists  of  the  world,  will  from 
the  very  beginning,  in  all  ordinary  cases, 
make  use  of  it,  instead  of  creating  tempo- 
rary tribunals  or  running  the  risk  of  war. 
As  time  goes  on  more  and  more  important 
and  delicate  cases  will  be  carried  before  its 
bar,  and  there  is  every  reason  to  hope  that 
confidence  in  its  ability  and  fairness  will 
ultimately  become  so  great  that  its  juris- 
diction in  international  controversies  will 
become  universal.  The  very  existence  of 
the  court  will  tend  to  lessen  differences  and 
will  make  their  settlement  by  diplomacy, 
when  they  arise,  much  more  certain. 

This  great  scheme  lifts  arbitration,  which 
has  already  had  a  century  of  unbroken  suc- 
cess in  an  experimental  way,  to  a  position 
of  organized  permanency  in  the  realm  of  in- 
ternational method.  It  extends  potentially, 
and  in  time  we  may  hope  will  extend  actu- 


The  Federation  of  the  World        185 

ally,  the  principles  of  reason  and  law  to  the  | 
whole  realm  of  international  affairs,  where 
heretofore  has  reigned  so  largely  a  chaos  of 
unreason  and  of  violence.  Through  its  pro- 
vision for  an  international  bureau  and  a  per- 
manent Council  of  Administration  at  The 
Hague  it  virtually  creates  a  capital  of  the 
world.  The  position  of  minister  to  the 
court  of  the  Netherlands,  involving  mem- 
bership in  this  Council,  will  hereafter  be 
considered  of  the  highest  order,  and  states- 
men of  the  first  rank  will  be  chosen  for  it. 
The  Conference  therefore  did  something 
of  much  more  value  in  its  ultimate  effects 
upon  the  world  than  the  creation  of  a  per- 
manent system  for  the  adjustment  of  con- 
troversies, or  even  than  the  extension  of 
law  and  reason  to  the  whole  realm  of  inter- 
national affairs.  It  created  a  permanent 
peace  centre,  through  the  Council  which  it 
set  up,  and  put  the  idea  of  peace  in  the 
forefront  as  the  supreme  directing  principle 
in  international  relations.  The  men  who 
are  sent  to  The  Hague  as  ministers  plenipo- 


1 86        The  Federation  of  the  World 

tentiary  from  the  powers  will  through  their 
connection  with  the  permanent  court  have 
this  idea  always  before  them.  From  them 
its  influence  must  inevitably  spread  through 
the  whole  sphere  of  diplomacy.  Their  an- 
nual reports  to  their  governments  at  home 
will  keep  the  subject  fresh  before  the  minds 
of  the  peoples  of  the  several  countries.  Men 
will  become  accustomed  to  looking  to  this 
centre  of  peaceful  judicature  during  periods 
of  contention  and  passion,  and  the  ultimate 
effect  in  international  life  will  be  the  same 
as  that  which  courts  of  law  have  produced 
in  the  interior  life  of  the  separate  nations, 
—  a  state  of  general  and  durable  peace, 
where  resort  to  war  is  now  practically  un- 
known. 

It  is  impossible  except  in  these  general 
terms  to  trace  the  many  and  far-reaching 
effects  of  this  Convention  for  the  Pacific 
Settlement  of  International  Controversies. 
But  through  it  one  thing  has  become  per- 
fectly clear,  namely,  that  the  federation  of 
the  world  is  no  longer  simply  an  ideal  or  a 


The  Federation  of  the  World        i8y   . 

rational  deduction  from  processes  of  devel- 
opment everywhere  going  on.  The  Hague 
Conference  resulting  in  this  convention  has 
made  it  already  in  part  a  fact l. 

1  The  best  book  in  English  on  the  Conference  and  its 
work  is  that  by  Frederick  W.  Holls,  secretary  of  the 
United  States  delegation,  entitled  The  Peace  Conference 
at  The  Hague. 


XII 


The  Hague  Court  and  Recent  Progress 
toward  World-Unity 


HE  setting  up  of  the  Hague  Court, 
the  beginning  of  a  permanent  and 
regular  judicial  order  among  the 
nations,  may  justly  be  styled  one  of  the 
greatest  events  of  history.  This  took  place 
something  less  than  two  years  after  the  close 
of  the  Conference.  By  April,  1901,  some 
sixteen  of  the  signatory  powers  had  ratified 
the  convention  providing  for  the  permanent 
International  Court  of  Arbitration,  and  ap- 
pointed their  members  of  the  tribunal. 
The  Administrative  Council,  composed  of 
the  ministers  accredited  to  the  Netherlands 
government,  organized  at  The  Hague,  es- 
tablished the  Bureau  of  the  Court,  as  pro- 
vided for  in  the  convention,  and  the  tribunal 
was  declared  by  the  Netherlands  Minister 


The  Federation  of  the  World        i8g 

of  Foreign  Affairs  to  be  duly  constituted 
and  ready  for  business.  Since  that  time 
all  of  the  signatory  powers,  except  Turkey 
and  Montenegro,  have  ratified  the  conven- 
tion and  appointed  members  of  the  court. 
Norway,  also,  since  her  separation  from 
Sweden,  has  named  representatives  in  the 
tribunal. 

Contrary  to  the  expectations  of  many,  the 
court  was  put  into  operation  within  a  year 
of  the  time  when  it  was  declared  established, 
whereas  the  United  States  Supreme  Court 
had  to  wait  more  than  two  years  for  its 
first  case.  The  governments  of  the  United 
States  and  of  Mexico  set  the  tribunal  in 
operation  in  1902  by  the  reference  to  it  of 
the  Pious  Fund  controversy.  Since  that 
time  the  Japanese  House -Tax  case,  the 
Venezuela  Preferential -Payment  case  and 
the  controversy  between  Great  Britain  and 
France  as  to  their  respective  treaty  rights 
in  Muscat  have  been  referred  to  the  court 
and  adjudicated.  In  these  settlements 
most  of  the  important  powers  of  the  world 


A 


igo        The  Federation  of  the  World 

have  appeared  before  the  court  as  litigants, 
and  thus  the  tribunal  has  been  securely  es- 
tablished in  the  confidence  of  the  nations. 
The  awards  in  these  four  cases  were  loyally 
accepted  by  the  governments  against  which 
they  were  rendered.  This  was  true  even 
in  the  Venezuela  case,  where  the  award  was 
severely  criticised  by  many  as  seemingly 
putting  a  premium  on  violence.1 

In  another  way,  also,  the  International 
Court  has  been  strengthened  in  its  prestige, 
and  its  permanence  rendered  more  sure. 
Reference  of  disputes  to  it,  under  the  Hague 
convention,  is  voluntary  only.  Nothing 
further  than  this  could  be  accomplished  in 
1899,  though  a  large  number  of  govern- 
ments were  ready  to  go  further.  The  sig- 
natory powers  assumed  njrtreaty_Qbligations 
to  bring  their  controversies  before  the  tri- 
bunal, however  strong  their  moral  obliga- 

1  As  this  chapter  is  going  to  press  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain  have  reached  an  agreement  to  refer 
to  the  Hague  Court  the  whole  Newfoundland  fisheries 
question. 


The  Federation  of  the  World        igi 

tion,  imposed  by  the  creation  of  it,  to  use 
it  for  the  ends  for  which  it  had  been  es- 
tablished. Almost  immediately,  therefore, 
after  its  establishment  a  movement  was 
begun  to  secure  treaties  of  obligatory  arbi- 
tration between  the  nations,  stipulating  re- 
ference to  the  court  of  the  disputes  which 
might  arise  between  them.  This  move- 
ment was  really  only  the  resumption,  in  a 
modified  form,  of  that  which  had  been  going 
on  for  many  years,  and  which  had  resulted 
in  the  unratified  Anglo-American  treaty  of 
1897,  and  the  similar  one  of  the  same  year 
between  Italy  and  the  Argentine  Republic. 
The  setting  up,  in  the  meantime,  of  the 
permanent  Court  of  Arbitration  had  pre- 
pared the  way  for  the  conclusion  of  such 
treaties  and  made  the  work  of  securing  them 
much  easier  than  it  had  been  prior  to  1899. 
To  this  new  appeal  of  the  friends  of  peace, 
supported  by  the  great  business  organiza- 
tions of  the  different  countries,  the  govern- 
ments responded  with  unexpected  alacrity 
and  cordiality.     Between  December,  1899, 


x/ 


V 


ig2        The  Federation  of  the  World 

I  and  the  close  of  1902  no  less  than  fifteen 
I  treaties  of  obligatory  arbitration  were  con- 
cluded; namely,  those  between  the  Ameri- 
can republics,  including  the  Pan-American 
conventions  and  the  conventions  concluded 
between  Spain  and  nine  Latin-American 
States,  and  the  treaty  between  Mexico  and 
Persia.  These  fifteen  treaties  did  not,  how- 
ever, pledge  reference  of  disputes  to  the 
Hague  tribunal,  as  the  South  American 
states  were  not  parties  to  the  convention 
under  which  the  court  was  set  up.  Great 
Britain  and  France,  who  had  been  perilously 
near  to  war  over  the  Fashoda  affair,  and 
whose  business  men,  led  by  Dr.  Thomas 
Barclay,  an  ex-president  of  the  British 
Chamber  of  Commerce  in  Paris,  had  cre- 
ated a  powerful  crusade  among  the  cham- 
bers of  commerce  and  boards  of  trade 
against  the  war  excitement,  took  the  lead 
in  this  movement  so  far  as  the  Hague  Court 
was  concerned.  On  the  fifteenth  of  Octo- 
ber, 1903,  a  treaty  of  obligatory  arbitration 
was  concluded  to  run  for  five  years  and 


The  Federation  of  the  World        ig$ 

to  cover  all  disputes  of  a  judicial  nature 
and  those  arising  in  the  interpretation  of 
treaties.  Following  this  initiative,  other 
treaties  of  the  same  type  were  quickly- 
signed,  and  by  October,  1907,  no  less  than 
forty-seven  had  been  concluded,  not  to  men- 
tion the  eleven  signed  by  the  late  Secretary 
Hay,  which  failed  to  go  into  effect  because 
of  the  disagreement  between  President 
Roosevelt  and  the  Senate  as  to  their  re- 
spective prerogatives  as  parts  of  the  treaty- 
making  power.  Two  of  these  treaties,  the-" 
Danish-Netherlands  and  the  Danish-Italian,^ 
are  without  limitations.  They  refer  all  dis- 
putes for  all  time  to  the  Hague  Court. 
One  of  the  most  recent  of  these  treaties,  ^ 
that  between  Denmark  and  Portugal,  is  to 
run  for  ten  years,  but  is  otherwise  unlimited. 
All  of  the  nations  of  Western  Europe  have 
become  parties  to  some  of  these  treaties 
pledging  reference  of  disputes  to  the  Hague 
Court.  One  regrets  to  have  to  record  that 
France  and  Germany,  between  whom  the 
ancient  prejudice  and  animosity  are  clearly 


194        The  Federation  of  the  World 

beginning  to  break  down,  have  not  yet 
reached  a  stage  of  friendly  confidence  where 
a  treaty  of  arbitration  can  be  concluded 
between  them.  But,  with  this  exception, 
the  nations  of  Western  Europe  have  bound 
themselves  together  in  a  real  bond  of  peace, 
though  of  a  temporary  and  limited  charac- 
ter. 

It  is  not  easy  to  appreciate  the  full  force 
of  this  series  of  conventions  in  its  bearings 
upon  the  future  relations  of  the  nations. 
It  reveals  a  new  spirit,  a  new  order  of  con- 
duct among  the  governments.  This  new 
disposition  has  already  borne  fruit  in  the 
remarkable  diplomatic  agreement  between 
Great  Britain  and  France  for  the  settlement 
by  arbitration  or  otherwise  of  all  their  out- 
standing differences,  some  of  them  very 
old  and  stubborn.  It  has  manifested  itself 
quite  as  impressively  in  the  manner  in 
which  the  North  Sea  affair  between  Great 
Britain  and  Russia  was  settled  by  an  inter- 
national commission  of  inquiry,  as  provided 
by  the  Hague  convention ;  and  even  more 


The  Federation  of  the  World        195 

impressively  still,  if  possible,  in  the  pacific 
settlement  of  the  Moroccan  controversy 
between  France  and  Germany  (who  had  so 
long  stood  apart  in  irreconcilable  opposi- 
tion) by  the  conference  at  Algeciras,  in 
which  representatives  of  fourteen  powers 
took  part. 

The  fact  that  no  fresh  controversies  have 
been  settled  by  the  Hague  tribunal  the 
past  two  years,  a  fact  that  has  occasioned 
unfavorable  comment,  has  its  explanation  in 
this  same  direction.  The  new  spirit  that  is 
pervading  international  life  not  only  leads 
to  pacific  adjustment  of  controversies  when 
they  arise,  but  it  also  operates  to  prevent 
them.  It  makes  diplomacy  active  in  allay- 
ing differences  that  might  become  serious. 
In  this  way  the  number  of  misunderstand- 
ings and  disputes  between  the  nations  is 
already  unmistakably  decreasing,  and  in 
place  of  the  former  exclusiveness,  recrimi- 
nation and  provocation  of  quarrels,  a  habit 
of  genuine  respect,  appreciation  and  sympa- 
thetic association  is  rapidly  forming.    This 


YS 


J 


/ 

J 


ig6        The  Federation  of  the  World 

has  manifested  itself  among  heads  of  gov- 
ernments themselves  and  among  statesmen, 
not  only  in  political  ways,  but  also  by  inter- 
national visits  of  a  social  order  such  as  have 
been  unknown  till  recent  years.  That  the 
Hague  Court,  therefore,  should  pass  a  year 
or  two  without  being  called  upon  to  adjudi- 
cate any  international  dispute  ought  not  to 
create  any  surprise.  It  is,  on  the  contrary, 
the  most  convincing  proof  that  the  arbitra- 
tion movement,  as  a  special  phase  of  the 
international  peace  movement,  is  nearing 
its  completion,  and  that  the  new  spirit 
which  has  accompanied  and  actuated  its 
development,  is  rapidly  producing  among 
the  nations  that  mutual  respect  and  friendly 
cooperation  which  will  make  arbitration 
less  and  less  necessary  and  possibly  keep 
the  Hague  Court  itself  much  of  the  time 
out  of  business.  This  would  certainly  not 
be  an  undesirable  state  of  affairs.  Arbi- 
tration of  disputes  is  a  most  excellent  thing, 
but  so  to  live  as  to  have  no  disputes  to  ar- 
bitrate and  no  differences  which  cannot  be 


\ 


The  Federation  of  the  World        igy 

easily  adjusted  by  direct  friendly  conference 
is  a  "  more  excellent  way." 

But  more  significant  still  than  any  of  the 
facts  set  forth  above  is  the  extraordinary 
development  of  general  public  sentiment  in 
nearly  all  countries  in  favor  of  the  speedy 
completion  of  the  system  of  pacific  settle- 
ment of  disputes  and  of  a  closer  unity  and 
fuller  cooperation  of  the  nations  in  the 
treatment  and  disposition  of  the  problems 
which  concern  their  common  interests. 
Since  the  Hague  Conference  of  1899  tne 
proposition  has  been  put  forward  in  a  prac- 
tical way  for  the  creation  of  a  permanent 
periodic  conference  or  parliament  of  nations. 
The  unanimous  action  of  the  Massachu- 
setts legislature  in  1903  in  this  direction 
has  found  large  support  in  both  the  United 
States  and  Europe  among  men  of  various  / 
callings.  It  has  received  the  approval  of 
all  the  leading  organizations  that  are  word- 
ing for  international  peace,  —  namely,  the 
International  Peace  Congress,  the  Interpar- 
liamentary Union,  the  Mohonk  Arbitration 


,   ig8        The  Federation  of  the  World 

Conference,  the  National  Peace  congresses, 
and  of  many  important  business,  social,  reli- 
gious and  philanthropic  bodies.  It  has  com- 
mended itself  to  the  judgment  of  men  of 
affairs,  as  well  as  to  idealists,  as  an  entirely 
practicable  scheme  and  absolutely  neces- 
sary at  the  present  time  for  the  strengthen- 
ing and  further  advancement  of  civilization. 
The  many  important  intergovernmental 
congresses  and  conferences  held  since  the 
Vienna  Congress  of  1815,1  for  the  discus- 
sion and  settlement  of  problems  of  great 
moment  and  urgency,  have  been  aptly 
pointed  to  as  furnishing  the  unanswerable 
argument  for  a  regular  international  insti- 
tution, in  which  these  problems  continu- 
ally arising  in  the  intercourse  of  nations 
may  have  thorough  and  adequate  treat- 
ment. 

The  same  intelligent  sentiment  which  is 

1  In  an  able  article  in  the  American  Journal  of  Inter- 
national Law  for  July  1907,  Judge  Baldwin,  Chief  Jus- 
tice of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Connecticut,  has  pointed 
out  that  there  have  been  more  than  one  hundred  and 
twenty  of  these  conferences  since  1826. 


The  Federation  of  the  World        igg 

calling  for  this  great  step,  the  creation  of 
a  world-assembly,  is  also  demanding,  even 
more  insistently,  that  the  nations  shall  go 
beyond  what  was  done  at  The  Hague  in 
1899  and  enter  into  a  general  arbitration 
convention  under  the  terms  of  which  they 
shall  solemnly  bind  themselves  to  refer  to 
the  Hague  Court  for  settlement  disputes 
which  cannot  be  adjusted  by  diplomacy. 
It  may  be  said  without  exaggeration  that 
the  voice  of  the  civilized  world  is  almost 
unanimous  at  the  present  time  in  favor  of 
this  important  measure,  which  is  necessary 
as  the  logical  completion  of  the  Hague 
Convention  of  1 899. 

Another  feature  of  the  more  recent  de- 
velopment of  the  tendency  towards  inter- 
national federation  and  cooperation  for  the 
promotion  of  the  general  welfare  of  human- 
ity is  the  demand  for  the  permanent  neu- 
tralization of  the  private  commerce  of  the 
world.  Nothing  in  our  time  is  more  note- 
worthy than  the  vast  expansion  of  inter- 
national trade.     In  less  than  one  hundred 


2oo        The  Federation  of  the  World 

years  it  has  grown  from  a  volume  valued 
at  $1,500,000,000  to  an  amount  valued  at 
the  colossal  sum  of  $20,000,000,000.  The 
largest  portion  of  this  increase  has  been 
within  the  past  generation.  At  the  same 
time  the  conviction  is  deepening  that  this 
commerce,  on  which  so  much  of  the  common 
people's  welfare  and  happiness  depends, 
should  be  kept  free  from  the  disturbing 
and  ruinous  influences  of  war,  the  very- 
rumor  of  which  in  our  complex  social  con- 
ditions works  such  widespread  havoc.  The 
demand  is  put  forward  both  by  men  of 
affairs  and  by  broad-minded  philanthro- 
pists that  the  so-called  "  rights  of  bellige- 
rents "  shall  be  so  limited  that  when  two 
governments  engage  in  hostilities  the  rights 
of  private  citizens  throughout  the  world  to 
carry  on  the  ordinary  vocations  unmolested 
shall  not  be  interfered  with  in  any  serious 
way.  The  United  States  government  has 
long  held  that  all  unoffending  private  pro- 
perty at  sea  should  be  exempt  from  capture 
in  time  of  war.     The  Massachusetts  State 


The  Federation  of  the  World       201 

Board  of  Trade  has  recently  gone  so  far  as 
to  urge  that  the  great  trade  routes  of  the 
ocean  themselves  should  to  this  end  be  per- 
manently neutralized.  This  growing  con-"' 
sideration  and  respect  for  the  rights  and 
liberties  of  the  masses  of  the  people,  for 
the  promotion  of  which  rather  than  for 
their  own  sake  governments  are  now  gen- 
erally conceived  to  have  their  raison  d'etre > 
is  the  surest  proof  that  war  is  to  be  ultfc" 
mately  eliminated  from  human  society  and 
that  the  parts  of  the  world  are  more  and  / 
more  to  live  and  think  and  move  together 
as  they  have  not  done  in  the  past.  Even/ 
the  unfortunate  wars  which  have  occurred 
since  the  Hague  Conference  of  1899  — 
wrars  whose  roots  went  far  back  into  the 
past  and  cannot  with  any  fairness  be  turned 
into  a  reproach  of  the  Hague  institutions  — 
have  served  to  reveal  in  a  most  impressive 
way  the  growing  spirit  of  oneness  among 
different  parts  of  the  globe,  and  the  increas- 
ing determination  of  the  peoples  of  the  dif- 
ferent nations  that  the  great  and  disastrous 


202        The  Federation  of  the  World 

disturbances  to  the  general  social  and  eco- 
nomic order  caused  by  war  shall  not  be  al- 
lowed to  repeat  themselves  hereafter.  Not 
only  was  the  Boer  War  strongly  condemned 
at  the  time  by  the  general  opinion  of  inter- 
national society,  as  well  as  by  a  powerful 
section  of  the  British  people,  but  the  reac- 
tion against  it  in  Great  Britain  followed  with 
a  swiftness  and  irresistible  power,  which 
has  probably  never  before  been  known  in 
connection  with  any  such  conflict.  In  the 
case  of  the  war  between  Japan  and  Russia 
the  same  feeling  of  disappointment  and 
grief  as  accompanied  the  South  African 
tragedy,  was  also  experienced,  though  in  a 
somewhat  more  concealed  way  on  account 
of  the  peculiar  character  of  the  conflict. 
The  end  of  this  gigantic  struggle  brought 
such  a  feeling  of  relief  to  the  conscience 
and  heart  of  the  world  as  has  never  before 
-v'Deen  witnessed.  This  increasing  sensitive- 
ness of  the  public  conscience  of  the  world 
to  the  horrors  and  irrationality  of  war  is 
perhaps  the  best  guarantee  that  some  ade- 


The  Federation  of  the  World       203 

quate  method  will  speedily  be  found  by 
which  justice  and  honor  may  be  truly  satis- 
fied and  humanity  spared  the  great  burdens, 
both  moral  and  material,  which  war  now 
imposes. 

The  movement  toward  international  fed- 
eration has,  on  the  whole,  advanced  more 
rapidly  in  the  Western  Hemisphere  than  in 
the  Eastern.  This  is  due,  undoubtedly,  to 
the  fuller  recognition  of  democratic  princi- 
ples and  their  wider  incorporation  in  politi- 
cal institutions  on  this  side  of  the  globe. 
Since  the  Hague  Conference  of  1899  the 
Second  and  Third  International  American  ^ 
conferences  have  been  held,  that  of  Mex- 
ico City  in  1 90 1  and  that  of  Rio  Janeiro  in  ^ 
1906.  The  first  Pan-American  Conference  ^ 
was  called  ten  years  before  the  first  Hague 
Conference,  so  much  futher  advanced  was 
sentiment  in  this  hemisphere  than  in  the 
Eastern.  The  results  of  these  American 
conferences  have  been  many  and  varied, 
but  by  far  the  most  important  of  them  has 
been  the  establishment  of  what  is  essentially 


204        Tbe  Federation  of  the  World 

(^~a  permanent  international  union  of  the 
^American  republics.  This  union,  though 
only  in  its  incipience  is  of  vastly  greater 
moment  than  the  arbitration  conventions  or 
the  commercial,  educational  and  sanitary 
arrangements  to  which  these  states  have 
given  their  assent,  valuable  as  these  are. 
It  will,  without  doubt,  in  time  practically 
destroy  the  distrust  which  has  existed 
among  them  toward  the  United  States,  and 
the  friction  and  unrest  which  has  character- 
ized the  relations  of  some  of  them  to  each 
other.  The  strength  of  this  Pan-American 
union  will  be  greatly  increased  through  the 
operation  of  the  International  Bureau  of  the 
American  Republics,  as  reorganized  by  the 
Rio  Conference  of  1906.  This  Bureau  is 
to  have  permanent  quarters  in  Washington, 
for  which,  through  the  contributions  of  the 
different  republics  and  Andrew  Carnegie's 
^  generous  gift  of  three  quarters  of  a  million 
dollars,  a  worthy  building  is  soon  to  be 
erected. 


The  Federation  of  the  World       205 

The  circumstances  attending  the  calling 
and  holding  of  the  Second  Hague  Confer-  * 
ence,  which  closed  its  sessions  on  October 
1 8th,  1907,  have  emphasized  in  a  most  ex- 
traordinary way  the  strength  of  the  various 
lines  of  influence  which  are  working  out  the 
federative  union  of  the  world.  This  Confer- 
ence was  initiated  by  President  Roosevelt 
at  the  urgent  suggestion  of  the  Interpar- 
liamentary Union  at  the  time  of  its  con- 
ference at  St.  Louis  in  1904.  Back  of  this 
initiative  was  a  great  body  of  international 
public  sentiment,  as  there  had  not  been  to 
the  same  degree  behind  that  of  the  Czar  in 
1899.  This  public  sentiment,  which  in  the 
interests  of  international  justice  and  peace 
demanded  a  new  conference,  indeed  a  series 
of  periodic  conferences  of  the  nations,  and 
had  been  expressing  itself  in  the  years  fol- 
lowing 1899  with  increasing  volume  and  in- 
tensity, found  its  best  and  most  effective 
instrument  of  expression  in  this  great,  well- 
organized  union  of  statesmen,  a  body  truly 
representative  of  the  people  in  the  various 


V 


206        The  Federation  of  the  World 

countries  to  whose  parliaments  they  be- 
longed. The  Second  Conference  at  The 
Hague,  therefore,  met  at  the  behest,  not  of 
a  crowned  head,  or  chief  of  state,  but  of  the 
international  democracy  of  our  time.  This 
popular  character  of  the  calling  of  the  Sec- 
ond Hague  Conference  differentiated  it 
strongly  from  the  Conference  of  1899,  and 
is  proof  of  a  very  great  advance  in  a  few 
years  in  the  development  of  those  forces 
which  are  leading  the  nations  to  wider  and 
more  sympathetic  relations  to  each  other 
and  upon  which  their  federation,  when  it 
comes,  must  depend  for  its  solidity  and  per- 
manence. 

In  the  Second  Hague  Conference,  fur- 
thermore, practically  all  the  states  of  the 
world  came  together  for  the  first  time  in  a 
general  conference  for  deliberation  upon 
their  mutual  interests.  The  republics  of 
South  and  Central  America  for  the  first 
time  as  a  body  met  with  the  nations  of  Eu- 
rope on  a  basis  of  political  equality.  This 
they  had  not  been  permitted  to  do  in  1899. 


</ 


The  Federation  of  the  World       207 

They  were  not  considered  by  the  older  Eu- 
ropean powers  competent  to  meet  with 
them  in  council  concerning  the  great  world 
problems  which  up  to  that  time  Europe  had 
always  considered  it  her  prerogative  to  de- 
termine. This  gathering  of  all  the  nations 
of  the  world  in  a  common  assembly  is  the 
most  significant  fact  connected  with  the 
Second  Hague  Conference.  This  meeting, 
to  which  South  America  sent  some  of  the 
ablest  men  who  were  present,  has  put  an 
end  to  the  old  order  of  things  in  which  the 
two  hemispheres  moved  apart  and  had 
practically  no  bond  of  political  union  and 
cooperation.  The  world  is  henceforth,  both 
morally  and  materially,  to  proceed  on  its  r^AjW 
way  as  a  single,  united  world.  In  claim- 
ing and  insisting  upon  their  political  equal- 
ity with  the  European  nations  the  South 
American  countries  made  at  The  Hague  a 
notable  contribution  to  the  cause  of  justice 
and  peace.  For  the  first  time  in  history  the 
small  states  had  the  opportunity  unitedly 
to  meet  the  pretensions  of  the  great  powers 


208        The  Federation  of  the  World 

to  dictate,  without  the  advice  and  consent 
of  the  small  powers,  the  general  interna- 
tional policies  of  the  world.  There  is  rea- 
son to  believe  that  the  Second  Hague 
Conference  has  inaugurated  an  entirely- 
new  era  in  this  regard,  and  that  hereafter 
we  shall  see  much  less  of  the  aggression 
and  gross  injustice  of  the  strong  powers 
towards  the  small  and  weak  ones  than  in 
the  past. 

In  the  way  of  formal  accomplishments 
the  Second  Hague  Conference  fell  much 
short  of  what  the  advanced  thought  of 
the  world  expected  of  it,  and  even  short 
of  what  a  majority  of  the  governments 
themselves  were  ready  and,  in  a  number 
of  cases,  even  anxious  to  do.  But  what 
was  accomplished  in  the  thirteen  conven- 
tions that  were  adopted  was  nevertheless 
all  in  the  direction  not  simply  of  the  re- 
striction of  war,  but  of  wider  international 
cooperation  and  control.  The  conventions 
dealing  with  war  both  on  land  and  sea 
and  those   dealing  with    the  rights  and 


The  Federation  of  the  World        209 

duties  of  neutrals  were  all  of  a  character 
to  make  it  much  more  difficult  than  here- 
tofore for  any  two  nations  to  begin  or  to 
wage  a  war  according  to  the  dictates  of  their 
own  passions  and  selfish  ambitions.  The 
whole  body  of  the  nations  acting  as  a  unit 
has  laid  its  restraining  hand  upon  war  as 
has  never  before  been  done.  This  is  an 
attainment  of  no  mean  significance.  The 
establishment  of  an  international  prize  court 
to  supplant  the  ex  parte  national  prize  courts, 
which  have  hitherto  dealt  with  captures  at 
sea  in  times  of  war,  is  a  long  step  toward 
wider  joint  international  action.  More  con- 
spicuously so  is  the  treaty  under  whose 
stipulations  contractual  debts  cannot  here- 
after be  collected  from  a  nation  by  force 
until  the  justice  of  the  claims  has  been  sub- 
mitted to  impartial  arbitration.  The  world 
note  is  also  heard  in  the  conventions  cover- 
ing the  laying  of  submarine  mines,  the  bom- 
bardment of  unfortified  coast  towns,  the 
treatment  of  captured  crews,  and  the  invio- 
lability of  fishing  fleets  and  of  the  postal 


21  o        The  Federation  of  the  World 

service.  And  it  is  the  world  note  in  all  of 
these  agreements,  and  not  the  mere  formal 
thing  that  was  done,  that  enables  us  to  de- 
termine the  true  significance  of  the  Con- 
ference. 

But  the  real  interpretation  of  the  Con- 
ference is  to  be  sought  outside  of  these 
formal  conventions.  The  great  questions 
with  which  it  dealt  and  in  which  were  con- 
spicuously manifested  its  high  intellectual 
character  and  its  lofty  moral  tone  were  the 
problems  of  the  limitation  of  armaments, 
the  creation  of  a  permanent  international 
tribunal  of  justice,  the  formulation  of  a  gen- 
eral treaty  of  obligatory  arbtration,  and  the 
establishment  of  a  regular  congress  or 
parliament  of  the  world.  Any  one  who  has 
followed  the  reports  of  the  deliberations, 
and  especially  of  the  discussions  which  pre- 
ceded the  Conference,  knows  that  these 
were  the  real  subjects  for  the  consideration 
of  which  it  was  called,  the  real  subjects, 
too,  on  which  it  expended  its  best  thought 
and  energy,  rather  than  those  which  were 


The  Federation  of  the  World       211 

formally  on  the  program.  It  was  these  in 
which  the  peoples  of  the  different  nations 
were  supremely  interested,  and  it  is  no  ex- 
aggeration to  say  that  all  these  problems, 
though  formal  conclusions  were  not  reached, 
were  carried  far  forward  toward  their  ulti- 
mate solutions.  The  principle  of  periodic 
Hague  conferences  was  unanimously  ap- 
proved and  the  date  of  the  third  meeting 
practically  fixed.  That  means  the  inaugu- 
ration of  the  greatest  possible  institution 
in  the  direction  of  the  definite  federation 
and  political  organization  of  the  world. 
The  principle  of  a  permanent  international 
court  of  justice  was  likewise  practically 
unanimously  approved.  This  assures  the 
world  in  a  few  years  of  a  great  tribunal 
which  will  not  only  serve  the  ends  of 
justice  among  the  nations,  but  also  make 
universal  peace  more  certain  than  it  has 
ever  yet  appeared.  The  principle  of  obli- 
gatory arbitration  of  disputes  was  also  for- 
mally incorporated  in  the  convention  in 
regard   to    the  collection    of    contractual 


212        The  Federation  of  the  World 

debts,  and  a  very  large  and  powerful  ma- 
jority of  the  delegations  also  voted  their 
approval  of  the  principle  in  general,  and 
desired  its  incorporation  in  a  general 
treaty  covering  a  considerable  range  of 
classes  of  controversies.  It  is  not  diffi- 
cult to  foresee,  therefore,  that  we  are 
within  easy  reach  of  a  general  convention 
of  obligatory  arbitration  among  the  nations, 
covering  practically  all  controversies  ex- 
cept those  which  involve  the  national 
independence.  In  the  meantime,  the  ar- 
ticle that  was,  at  the  suggestion  of  the 
United  States  delegation,  added  to  the 
convention  of  1899,  providing  that  one  of 
two  disputing  states  may  apply  directly  to 
the  Bureau  of  the  Hague  Court  and  ask 
for  arbitration,  will  do  much  to  increase 
the  influence  of  the  Court  as  it  now  exists, 
and  to  ensure  the  arbitration  of  disputes 
even  between  powers  whose  relations  may 
have  become  embittered.  This  open  ap- 
peal through  the  Hague  Court  to  the  public 
bpinion  of  the  world  could  hardly  fail  to 


The  Federation  of  the  World       213 

induce  an  unwilling  nation  to  yield  and 
allow  the  controversy  to  go  before  the 
great  tribunal  which  the  nations  have  estab- 
lished, and  to  which  all  the  governments 
of  the  world  are  now  parties. 

Much  more  significance  is  to  be  attached 
to  the  resolution  adopted  in  regard  to  the 
present  rivalry  of  armaments  than  many 
suppose.  The  resolution  voted  is  the  sol- 
emn and  unanimous  voice  of  the  govern- 
ments of  the  world  through  their  represen- 
tatives at  the  Hague  Conference  that  the 
present  system  of  armaments  has  reached 
a  development  at  which  it  ought  to  stop. 
This  voice  of  the  Conference  will  go  out 
through  all  the  world,  and  the  governments, 
if  they  have  a  true  sense  of  respect  for  the 
men  whom  they  sent  to  the  Second  Hague 
Conference,  will  not  allow  the  subject  long 
to  remain  dormant,  but  will  take  it  up  and 
will  have  it  seriously  and  thoroughly  studied 
with  the  intention  of  reaching  at  the  Third 
Hague  Conference,  or  earlier,  some  practi- 
*«.  cal  solution  of  this,  the  most  urgent  and 


214        The  Federation  of  the  World 

burning  question  of  international  concern 
at  the  present  time. 

What  the  full  results  of  the  Second 
Hague  Conference  will  be  it  is  as  yet  im- 
possible to  forecast.  It  will  require  years  for 
the  full  fruition.  But  any  one  who  consid- 
ers its  meaning  and  its  work  in  the  light  of 
its  historic  antecedents  and  the  great  move- 
ments which  for  centuries  have  been  lead- 
ing up  to  it,  and  its  bearings  upon  the  future 
relations  and  policies  of  the  nations,  cannot 
but  believe  that  the  federation  of  the  world, 
which  has  so  long  been  dreamed  of  and 
prophesied,  is  no  longer  a  mere  prophecy 
and  a  dream,  but  has  already  in  very  deed 
begun  to  exist.  From  the  foundations  now 
so  well  laid,  both  in  general  public  opinion 
and  in  an  as  yet  imperfect  but  real  world  in- 
stitution which  the  Hague  conferences  have 
brought  into  being,  one  can  easily  picture 
to  one's  self  the  superstructure  of  the  mag- 
nificent world  temple  of  peace,  which  is  to 
be  thereon  erected. 


APPENDIX. 

The  Char's  Rescript  calling  for  a  Conference 
on  Reduction  of  Armaments. 

Issued  at   St.  Petersburg  by  Count  Muravieff  on 
the  24.TH  of  August,  1898. 

The  maintenance  of  general  peace  and  a  possi- 
ble reduction  of  the  excessive  armaments  which 
weigh  upon  all  nations  present  themselves,  in  the 
existing  condition  of  the  whole  world,  as  the  ideal 
towards  which  the  endeavors  of  all  governments 
should  be  directed. 

The  humanitarian  and  magnanimous  spirit  of 
His  Majesty  the  Emperor,  my  august  Master,  is 
wholly  convinced  of  this  view. 

In  the  conviction  that  this  lofty  aim  is  in  con- 
formity with  the  most  essential  interests  and  the 
legitimate  wishes  of  all  the  Powers,  the  Imperial 
Government  thinks  the  present  moment  would  be 
very  favorable  for  an  inquiry,  by  means  of  inter 
national  discussion,  as  to  the  most  effective  means 


21 6  Appendix 

of  insuring  to  all  the  peoples  the  benefits  of  a  real 
and  durable  peace,  and,  above  all,  of  putting  a  limit 
to  the  progressive  development  of  the  present 
armaments. 

In  the  course  of  the  last  twenty  years,  the  long- 
ings for  general  appeasement  have  been  particu- 
larly marked  in  the  consciousness  of  the  civilized 
nations.  The  preservation  of  peace  has  been  put 
forward  as  the  object  of  international  policy.  It  is 
in  its  name  that  the  great  states  have  concluded 
among  themselves  powerful  alliances.  It  is  the 
better  to  guarantee  peace  that  they  have  developed 
their  military  forces  in  proportions  hitherto  un- 
known, and  still  continue  to  increase  them  without 
shrinking  from  any  sacrifice. 

But  all  these  efforts  have  not  yet  been  able  to 
bring  about  the  beneficent  results  of  the  pacifica- 
tion desired. 

The  financial  burdens,  constantly  increasing, 
strike  at  public  prosperity  at  its  very  source. 
The  intellectual  and  physical  forces  of  the  nations, 
and  their  labor  and  capital  are,  for  the  most  part, 
diverted  from  their  natural  application  and  unpro- 
ductively  consumed.  Hundreds  of  millions  are 
employed  in  procuring  terrible  engines  of  destruc- 
tion, which,  though  to-day  regarded  as  the  supreme 
attainment  of  science,  are  sure  to-morrow  to  lose 
all  value  because  of  some   new  invention  in  this 


Appendix  217 

field.  National  culture,  economic  progress  and 
the  production  of  wealth  are  paralyzed  or  checked 
in  development. 

So,  too,  in  proportion  as  the  armaments  of  each 
power  increase  do  they  less  and  less  fulfill  the 
object  which  the  governments  have  had  in  view. 
Economic  crises,  due  in  great  part  to  the  system 
of  armament  a  outrance,  and  the  continual  danger 
which  lies  in  this  accumulation  of  war  material, 
are  transforming  the  armed  peace  of  our  days  into 
a  crushing  burden  which  the  peoples  have  more 
and  more  difficulty  in  bearing.  It  seems  evident 
that  if  this  state  of  things  continues  it  will  inevi- 
tably lead  to  the  very  cataclysm  which  it  is  desired 
to  avert,  the  horrors  of  which,  even  in  anticipation, 
cause  every  thinking  man  to  tremble. 

To  put  an  end  to  these  incessant  armaments,  and 
to  seek  the  means  of  warding  off  the  calamities 
which  threaten  the  whole  world,  is  the  supreme 
duty  resting  to-day  upon  all  states. 

Filled  with  this  idea,  His  Majesty  the  Emperor 
has  been  pleased  to  command  me  to  propose  to  all 
the  governments  which  have  accredited  Representa- 
tives at  the  Imperial  Court,  the  meeting  of  a  con- 
ference which  shall  take  into  consideration  this 
grave  problem. 

This  conference  will  be,  by  the  help  of  God,  a 
happy  presage  for  the  century  now  about  to  open. 


2i  8  Appendix 

It  will  unite,  and  thus  greatly  strengthen,  the  efforts 
of  all  those  states  which  sincerely  seek  to  make  the 
great  conception  of  Universal  Peace  triumph  over 
the  elements  of  trouble  and  discord.  It  will  at  the 
same  time  cement  them  together  by  a  joint  conse- 
cration of  the  principles  of  equity  and  right  on 
which  rest  the  security  of  states  and  the  welfare  of 
peoples. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


The  following  is  intended  to  be  only  a  good  working 
list  of  books,  pamphlets  and  periodicals.  It  is  suffi- 
ciently extended  to  put  any  one  who  wishes  to  study  the 
growth  of  the  movement  for  the  abolition  of  war  and 
for  the  federation  of  the  world  into  contact  with  the  lit- 
erature of  the  subject,  which  has  recently  become  very 
abundant.  It  would  be  impossible  to  give  in  any  rea- 
sonable space  the  names  of  the  innumerable  pamphlets 
which  have  appeared,  and  of  the  articles  published  in 
various  periodicals,  American  and  foreign,  during  the 
last  fifteen  years.  Many  of  those  omitted  are  quite  as 
valuable  as  those  here  given.  The  list  includes  most  of 
the  leading  classical  works  on  the  subject,  many  of  which 
are  now  out  of  print. 

Lyman  Abbott.     Christianity  and  Social  Problems. 

Boston :  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  1897. 
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Baker  &  Taylor  Co.,  1896. 
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1834-  and  other  publications.     Boston. 
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Peckover.      London:    Swan,    Sonnenschein    &   Co., 

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s/ 


228  Bibliogrcphy 

RECENT  BOOKS. 

Jane  Addams.  Newer  Ideals  of  Peace.  New  York : 
The  Macmillan  Company,  1907. 

Raymond  L.  Bridgman.  World-Organization.  Bos- 
ton :  Ginn  and  Company,  1905. 

Ernest  H.  Crosby.  Tolstoy  and  his  Message.  Gar- 
rison the  Non- Resistant.  Chicago  :  The  Public  Pub- 
lishing Company,  1905. 

David  L.  Dodge.  War  Inconsistent  with  the  Religion 
of  Jesus  Christ.     Boston  :  Ginn  and  Company,  1905. 

John  W.  Foster.  Arbitration  and  the  Hague  Court. 
Boston :  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Company,  1904. 

Frederick  W.  Holls.  The  Peace  Conference  at. the 
Hague.  New  York  and  London :  The  Macmillan 
Company,  1900. 

Lucia  Ames  Mead.  Patriotism  and  the  New  Interna- 
tionalism.    Boston :  Ginn  and  Company,  1906. 

J.  Novicow.  La  FddeVation  de  PEurope.  Paris :  Felix 
Alcan,  1 901. 

Walter  Walsh.  The  Moral  Damage  of  War.  Bos- 
ton :  Ginn  and  Company,  1906. 

The  Arbiter  in  Council.  Anonymous.  London  and 
New  York :  The  Macmillan  Company,  1906. 


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